...     I  .    •  I  i  ;■ 
I    ;.!';'■>(,  ftil'-l,  I 


;'.V;. 


%OJ1W3JO^ 


AME  UMIVER,y/A 


^^il30NVS01^'^ 


v>clOSANCELfXy. 


^aBAINO-JWv 


,       ^OFCAIIFO;?^^ 


5it\f.!jN|VFR5'//i 


v^lOSANGElfj> 


%a3AiNn-3y\v^ 


^>;lOSANGELfj> 
o 


'^/5a3AINn-3WV 


w,lLIBRARY6>/C^       ^ILIBRARYQ^ 


C3 


,'     ^ 


'^flOJIlVDJO^      \..... 


% 


^       ^lOSANCELfj^ 


%a3AINn-3Viv 


^OFCALIF0% 


PiC.I'AI  I  HMD. 


^>MlIBRARYQ/r 


AWEUNIVERJ/Zi,        vvlOSANCElfJV. 
'^,  —--      --    — .% 


>■ 

< 

CO 


-n         (-J 
O         U_ 


iVER%       ^v^OSANCELfj; 


A^ 


O        ti- 


.avaan-^v^       ^j:?133nvsoi^'^     "^AiiiA 


\UlBRARYQ/r 


MVERJ//J,        ^^inSANGEIfr^  .^tllBRAR 


'%. 


l# 


>  V/ 


OFCAllFOfi><',. 


^„ 


%ir 


lOSANCFlfr 


;m-Afjr 


^ 


•5. 


HIBRARYQ^ 


^VlOSANCELfj> 


%Ji3AINn]WV' 


^FCALIFO/?^ 


,  \WE  UNIVERS//, 


^lOSANCFlf/^ 
o 


j-L.  DC 


Aavaall■l^^'^        <rii3DNvsoi^     "^AajMNn-Jwv' 


(yC^I^ 


THE    HOME    LIBRARY. 


JOHN      HUS. 

TEE  C03IMENCEMENT  OF  BESISTANGE 
TO  PAPAL  AUTHOBITY  ON  THE  PART   OF 
-      THE  INFEBIOR  CLERGY. 


BY 

A.  H.  WRATISLAW,  M.A, 

VICAE  OF  MAKORCIER  ; 

LATE  HEAD  MASTER  OF   THE  GRAMMAR  SCHOOL,  BURt  ST.   EDMUNDS  ; 

FORMERLY  FELLOW  ASD  TUTOR  OF  CHRIST'S  COLLEGE,  CAMBRIDGE; 

CORRESFOXDING  MEMBER  OF  THE  ROYAL  SOCIETY  OF  SCIENCES  IM  BOHEMIA. 


rUBLISHED  UNDEE  THE  DIRECTION  OF  THE  TRACT  COMMITTEE. 


LONDON: 

SOCIETY  FOR  PROMOTING  CHRISTIAN  KNOWLEDGE ; 

NORTHUMBERLAND  AVENUE,  CHArUNG  CROSS ; 

43,  QUEEN  VICTORIA  STREET  ;  48,  PICCADILLY  ; 
AXD  135,   NORTH  STREET,  BRIGHTON. 

NEW  lORK:  E.  &  J.  B.  YOUNG  AND  CO. 
1882. 


I3X 


PEEFAGE. 


No  biography  of  the  celebrated  John  Hus  can 
reasonably  be  considered  complete  without  an  out- 
line of  the  recent  investigations  and  publications 
in  Bohemia,  which  have  at  length  rendered  it 
possible  to  place  this  extraordinary  man  in  the 
full  light  of  day  before  the  British  reader. 

After  the  destruction  of  the  liberty,  both  reli- 
gious and  political,  of  Bohemia  in  the  Thirty  Years' 
War,  the  chronicle  of  Hajek  (1541)  was  univer- 
sally accepted  as  the  basis  of  Bohemian  history. 
This  chronicle  has  been  incontrovertibly  proved 
by  documentary  evidence,  and  is  now  generally 
acknowledged,  to  have  been  the  work  of  one  who 
might  more  justly  be  regarded  as  the  falsifier 
than  the  recorder  of  the  history  of  his  country. 
No  uncorroborated  statement  of  Hajek's  is  now 
considered  to  be  of  the  slightest  historical  value, 
or  to  possess  the  slightest  weight  as  historical 
evidence.  But  in  1831,  the  estates  of  the  king- 
dom of  Bohemia  were  allowed  to  appoint  a  historio- 


G90173 


IT  PEEFACE. 


graplier  of  their  own.  The  choice  fell  upon  one, 
than  "whom  none  worthier  could  have  been  selected, 
the  late  Dr.  Francis  Palacky.  The  result  of  his 
labours  has  been  a  magnificent  History  of  Bohemia 
in  five  large  octavo  volumes,  "  mainly  from  docu- 
ments and  manuscripts,"  from  the  earliest  times 
to  the  year  1526.  The  first  volume  was  pub- 
lished in  German  in  1836,  and  in  1845  appeared 
the  first  part  of  the  third  volume,  which  deals  with 
the  ''floruit  "  of  Hus.  This  was  both  interpolated 
and  mutilated  by  the  censorship  of  the  press  at 
Vienna,  which  w^as  not  abolished  till  the  year  of 
revolutions,  1848.  Still  this  partially  garbled 
account  of  Hus  produced  such  a  sensation,  that 
Baron  Helfeut  was  commissioned  to  write  in 
Bohemian  an  account  of  Hus  and  Jerome,  which 
should  in  some  wise  counteract  the  effect  produced 
by  Palacky 's  narrative.  Baron  Helfert's  work 
appeared  at  Prague  in  1857  (287  pp.,  large  8vo). 

In  1842,  Palacky  read  before  the  Bohemian 
Society  of  Sciences,  and  afterwards  submitted  to 
the  censorship  of  the  press  with  a  view  to  publi- 
cation, an  account  in  Bohemian  of  the  "  Precursors 
of  Husitism  in  Bohemia."  This  remained  so  long 
under  the  consideration  of  the  censor,  that  Palacky 
withdrew  it  altogether,  in  order  to  avoid  the 
anticipated  "damnatur."  It  was,  however,  trans- 
lated into  German  by  Dr.  J.  P.  Jordan,  and  pub- 
lished in  1846  under  his  name  at  Leipsic,  without 
attracting  any  attention.    But  in  1869,  the  remain- 


PREFACE.  V 

ing  copies  were  reissued  with  a  new  title-page  at 
Prague  by  the  original  author,  and  the  value  of 
the  work  was  immediately  acknowledged. 

In  1849,  Professor  W.  W.  Tomek  published  the 
first  volume  of  his  "  History  of  the  University  of 
Prague,"  in  the  Bohemian  language,  in  which  he 
carried  the  narrative  down  to  the  year  1436. 

Between  1865  and  1868,  the  late  K.  J.  Erben, 
Archivarius  of  the  Old  Town  of  Prague,  published 
in  three  carefully  edited  octavo  volumes  (containing 
respectively  478,  440,  and  346  pages),  John  Hus's 
collected  writings  in  the  Bohemian,  or  Czeskish, 
language  {"Mistm  Jana  Eusi  schrane  spisy  Czcske"), 
many  of  which  w^ere  then  printed  for  the  first  time. 
Until  the  appearance  of  these  volumes,  almost  all 
knowledge  of  Hus  had  been  derived  from  incorrect 
editions  and  translations  of  his  '  Postilla,'  and 
from  the  account  given  of  him  in  the  edition  of  his 
Latin  works  published  at  Nuremberg  m  1558,  and 
again  in  1715  (two  folio  vols,  bound  in  one). 

In  1869,  Palacky  issued  a  large  octavo  volume 
of  768  pages,  containing  all  extant  documents, 
Latin  or  Bohemian,  relating  to  the  life  and  case 
of  Hus,  and  to  the  religious  controversies  in  Bo- 
hemia between  1403  and  1418. 

In  1870,  Palacky  published  the  second  Bohemian 
edition  of  the  first  part  of  his  third  volume,  restoring 
the  portions  struck  out,  and  rejecting  the  passages 
interpolated,  by  the  censorship,  and  generally 
enlarging  and  revising  the  whole. 


VI  PEEFACE. 


In  1875,  Professor  W.  W.  Tomek  published  in 
Bolieinian  the  third  volume  of  his  "  History  of  the 
City  of  Prague,"  {"  Dejepis  Mesta  Pra/i?/ "),  which 
goes  over  the  same  ground  as  Palacky's  vol.  iii.  pt. 
1.,  hut  enters  into  far  greater  detail  with  regard  to 
matters  that  occurred  at  Prague,  where  Hus  spent 
the  greater  part  of  his  life.  I  have  also  corre- 
sponded with  Professor  Tomek  with  respect  to 
points  of  difference  between  himself  and  Palacky, 
and  take  this  opportunity  of  acknowledging  both  his 
personal  kindness  and  the  merit  of  his  writings, 
which  are  models  of  research,  care,  and  clearness. 

I  have  given  this  account  of  the  above  works  in 
chronological  order,  with  the  view  of  exhibiting  at 
once  both  the  facts  themselves  and  also  the  di£&- 
culties  which  the  Bohemians  have  had  to  contend 
with  in  investigating  and  writing  the  history  of 
their  country  and  nation.  Such  difficulties  have 
for  some  time  been  completely  at  an  end,  and  the 
press  is  now  as  free  in  Bohemia  as  in  Britain. 


A.  H.  WEATISLAW. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  PAGE 

I.      HiSTOEICAL  InTKODUCTION             ...                ...                ...  1 

II.    The  Pbectjbsoks  of  John  Hus  ix  Bohemia...  50 

III,  John  Hcs,  from  his  Birth  to  his  Breach  with 

Archbishop  Zbynek      ...           ...           ...  75 

IV.  Secession  of  the  German  Element  in  the  Uni- 

versity.   Contest  between  the  King  and  the 

Archbishop            ...           ...           ...           ...  108 

V.    John  Hrs  and  his  Followers  at  variance  with 

Archbishop  Zbynek             ...            ...            ...  12G 

VI.    John  Hus  in  conflict  with  the  Papal  Power  159 

VII.    John  Hus  in  Exile  from  Prague        ...            ...  191 

VIII.    John  Hus  at  Constance  ...            ...            ...  22G 

IX.    John  Hus's  Trial       ...           ...           ...           ...  262 

X.    John  Hus's  Condemnation  and  Martyrdom  SOS 

XI.    John  Hus  as  a  School  Divine             ...            ...  338 

XII.    John  Hus  as  a  Writer  in  his  Native  Language  319 

XIII.    Jerome  of  Prague      ...            ...            ...            ...  376 


JOHN"   HUS. 

CHAPTEE  I. 

HISTORICAL    INTRODUCTION. 

The  duty  of  the  historian  of  the  latter  portion  of 
the  fourteenth  and  the  early  portion  of  the  fifteenth 
centuries  in  Europe  is  a  very  sad  one.  Almost 
everywhere  it  is  his  to  write  of  decline  and  deca- 
dence, of  goodness  unable  to  raise  its  head  from 
the  ground  into  which  it  was  trampled  by  unblush- 
ing shamelessness,  and  of  iniquity  sitting  enthroned 
in  the  highest  places.  And  this  he  finds  espe- 
cially true  of  the  Church  and  the  professing 
ministers  of  the  gospel,  with  whom  religion  was, 
to  a  great  extent,  a  mere  source  of  gain,  and 
the  clerical  condition  a  mere  means  of  ensuring 
immunity  in  crime.  The  clergy  were  for  the  most 
part  emancipated  from  the  control  of  the  laws  and 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  secular  magistrates  ;  and 
their  corruption  was  pre-eminent  in  the  general 

B 


JOHN  HUS. 


corruption  of  the  age.     "Was  no   one   to  arise  in 
righteous  indignation,  and  to  call  for  the  suppression 
of  evil   and  the  encouragement   and  development 
of  good?     Was  there  none   of  Christ's   ministers 
who  would   dare   to   testify  against   his   evil   and 
degraded  brethren,  and  cry  aloud  for  a  real  and 
not   a   seeming    and    hypocritical    reform    in  the 
Church  of  Christ  ?     Yes  !  there  was  one  man  who 
ventured  so  to  do — one  man  who  ventured  to  quit 
his  own   country  and  home,  where  he  was  com- 
paratively safe  and  protected  by  powerful  friends, 
and  to  place  himself  dauntlessly  in  the  hands  of 
the  very  people  whose  wickedness  he  was  exposing, 
and   against  whose  licentiousness   and  selfishness 
his  purity  and  morality  of  life  were  a  living  protest. 
But  it  must  not  be  supposed,  that  John  Hus, 
like   Luther  or  Calvin,  was  a  great  doctrinal  re- 
former, assailing   positions    deliberately  taken  up 
and  maintained  by  the  Church  of  Eome,  and  in 
that  point  of  view  a  direct  precursor  and  herald 
of  the  Eeformation.     He  was  a  better  and  truer 
Catholic,    aye,  Eoman   Catholic,   than  those  who 
condemned  him.  He  was  a  true  son  of  his  Church; 
and  while  he  raised  his  voice  against  the  sin  andi 
evil  that  defiled  her,  and  the  practical  setting  up 
of  the  traditions  of  men  above  the  Word  of  God, 
he  stood  second  to  none  in  his  reverence  for  hei 
doctrines,  her  creeds,  and  her  formularies.     Still 
it  is  true,  that  but  the  slightest  traces  of  Mariolatr} 
and  saint-worship  are  to  be  found  in  his  writings 
it  is  true  also,  that  the  doctrinal  abuses  and  ex 


HISTORICAL  INTEOBUCTION. 


travagancies,  against  which  he  specially  ijrotestecl, 
have  to  a  great  extent  disappeared  from  the  Church 
of  Eome  herself.  It  is  on  the  one  hand,  as  a 
reformer  of  life  and  morals,  especially  among  the 
clergy,  and  on  the  other,  as  a  damitless  champion 
for  the  rights  of  conscience  and  the  supremacy  of 
Scripture,  that  we  must  contemplate  John  Hus  ; 
and  it  was  as  such,  that  he  was  foully  murdered 
by  one  of  the  most  wicked  assembhes  that  ever 
disgraced  the  name  of  council. 

But  how  was  it  that  such  a  man  should  have 
arisen  in  Bohemia,  and  not  in  some  other  country, 
speaking  some  other  language,  and  possessing  a 
literature  of  world-wide  renown— the  study°  of 
which  is  an  education  in  itself?  The  answer  to 
the  question  is  easy,  though  scarcely  credible,  save 
to  those  whose  studies  have  placed  them  in  full 
and  certain  possession  of  the  facts.  The  state  of 
education  and  average  general  culture  in  Bohemia 
was  higher  than  that  of  any  other  country,  and 
the  Czesko-slavonic  language  had  reached  a  pitch 
of  flexibility  and  cultivation  which  had  not  been 
attained  by  any  other  European  tongue  save  that 
of  Italy,  where  it  was  rather  poetry  than  prose  that 
was  in  the  ascendant. 

First  and  foremost  among  the  causes  which  led 
to  the  general  spread  of  education  and  culture  in 
Bohemia,  was  the  foundation  of  the  University  of 
Prague,  in  1348,  by  the  Emperor  Charles  IV.,  son 
of  the  blind  king  of  Bohemia,  John  of  Luxemburg, 
who  feh  in  the  battle  of  Crecy  in  1346.     A  noble 


JOHN   HUS. 


layman,  educated  at  that  university,  Thomas  of 
Stitny,  a  i^rose  writer  of  the  highest  class,  may  bo 
said  to  have  formed  the  Bohemian  as  a  literary 
language,  and  thus  to  have  rendered  Hus,  and 
the  widespread  movement  which  he  inaugurated, 
possible. 

"A  sermon  of  ISt.  Augustiue'a,"  says  Stitny,  in  his  work 
Of  General  Christian  Matters,  "has  encouraged  me  to  he 
holder  in  writing  Bohemian  hooks,  which  relate  to  the  Holy 
Scriptures ;  for  from  it  every  one  can  see  how  good  a  thing  it  is 
to  read  the  Holy  Scriptures.  And  those  who  condemn  books 
in  the  Bohemian  language,  even  if  good  ones,  wishing  perhaps 
to  be  the  only  persons  who  appear  wise,  might  well  dread  the 
vengeance  of  God,  when  they  reflect  how  guilty  those  are 
who  would  wish  to  stop  the  letters  and  necessary  messages 
therein,  and  to  prevent  the  Lord  God,  the  Eternal  Bridegroom, 
from  teaching  His  Bride  His  will,  and  comforting  her  in  her 
distress  thereby.  Yea,  justly  would  he  be  in  terror,  who  should 
stop  the  letters  of  a  king  addressed  to  his  queen,  if  he  knew 
that  the  king  was  aware  of  it.  And  how  much  greater  is  the 
Lord  God  than  any  king !  How  much  dearer  to  Him  is  His 
Bride — that  is  every  soul  that  longeth  for  Him — than  was  any 
queen  dear  to  any  king !  "Wiser  men  understand  this  and  know 
that  a  Bohemian  is  as  precious  to  Him  as  a  Latinist." 

The  Czechian  nation  or  "  language  "  received  a 
thorough  scientific  as  well  as  theological  training, 
through  the  philosophical  as  well  as  theological 
writings  of  Stitny,  and  was  as  well  prepared  to 
enter  into  controversy  with  the  pen  as  with  the 
sword.  That  Wycliffe,  though  a  greater  thinker 
and  reasoner,  produced,  comparatively  speaking, 
so  much  smaller  immediate  results  in  England 
than  Hus  in  Bohemia,   appears   due   to  the  fact, 


HISTORICAL   INTRODUCTION. 


that  the  English  language  was  not  yet  sufficiently 
matured  for  a  great  national  and  intellectual  move- 
ment to  be  carried  on  in  it.  Had  Chaucer,  that 
"well  of  English  undefiled,"  who  is  generally  con- 
sidered to  have  made  our  language  what  it  is, 
preceded  instead  of  following  Wycliffe,  the  history 
of  England  might  possibly  have  told  a  very 
different  story  as  regards  the  reformation  of 
religion. 

But  leaving  the  special  circumstances  which 
evoked  and  rendered  possible  such  a  person  as 
Hus  and  such  a  movement  as  the  Hussite  move- 
ment, let  us  cast  our  eyes  over  the  condition  of 
Europe  generally,  a  little  after  the  commencement 
of  the  last  quarter  of  the  fourteenth  century.  The 
year  1378  was  one  of  the  most  fatal  epochs  known 
to  history.  The  popedom  and  the  empire  were 
during  the  middle  ages  the  principal  forces  in  central 
and  western  Europe ;  and  the  spiritual  and  temporal 
heads  of  Christendom,  Pope  Gregory  XI.  and  the 
Emperor  Charles  IV.,  were  both  of  them  swept 
away  within  a  brief  interval  of  each  other  during 
the  course  of  that  unfortunate  year.  And  after  their 
death^,  partly  through  discord,  and  partly  through 
the  absence  of  morality,  steadfastness,  uprightness, 
and  capacity  in  their  successors,  both  the  Papal 
see  and  the  Imperial  throne  fell  into  such  decay 
and  discredit,  that  the  rise  and  development  of  a 
third  power  opposed  and  adverse  to  them  became 
almost  a  matter  of  necessity.  This  came  to  pass 
first  in  Bohemia  with  irresistible  energy,  and  later 


G  JOHN   HUS, 


with  varying  vigour  and  success  in  almost  all  other 
European  nations. 

The  first  and  most  imi3ortant  circumstance  that 
gave  the  turn  to  the  scale  for  evil  at  this  epoch 
was  unquestionably  the  outbreak  of  the  great 
schism  in  the  Church  of  Eome.  The  College  of 
Cardinals  was  at  the  time  of  the  death  of  Gregory 
XL  mainly  composed  of  Frenchmen,  most,  though 
not  all,  of  whom  had  reluctantly  followed  Gregory 
from  quiet  Avignon,  where  the  papal  court  had 
resided  for  sixty  years,  to  troublous  and  malarious 
Rome.  There  were  strong  reasons  for  expecting 
that  the  future  pope  would  return  to  Avignon  and 
leave  to  decay  and  ruin  old  Rome,  once  the  glorious 
mistress  of  the  world,  but  now  almost  dependent 
upon  the  presence  of  the  papal  curia,  if  not  for 
actual  subsistence,  at  any  rate  for  some  small 
shadow  of  material  prosperity.  The  Romans, 
therefore,  at  the  meeting  of  the  conclave  on  April 
7th,  1378,  left  no  means  untried  to  obtain  the  elec- 
tion of  a  Roman,  or  at  any  rate  of  an  Italian,  who 
would  be  likely  to  take  up  his  residence  perma- 
nently at  Rome.  On  the  day  of  election,  April  8th, 
they  assembled  in  large  numbers,  came  in  arms 
before  the  conclave,  and  threatened  the  cardinals 
with  death,  if  they  did  not  make  their  choice  in 
accordance  with  the  feelings  of  the  people.  The 
Roman  cardinals,  especially  those  of  the  Orsini 
family,  were  afterwards  accused  of  not  being  alto- 
gether strangers  to  these  tumultuous  proceedings, 
and  that  wdth  the  view  of  causing  the  choice  to  fall 


HISTOEICAL   INTRODUCTIOTSr. 


upon  one  of  their  own  number.  But,  whatever 
truth  there  may  be  m  the  accusation,  they  were 
at  any  rate  utterly  unsuccessful  as  regards  their 
alleged  aim  and  object,  and  a  temporary  cessation' 
of  party  spirit  and  strife  in  the  conclave  brought 
about  the  unanimous  election  of  one  who  was  not  a 
cardinalatall,  Bartholomew  of  Prignano,  Archbishop 
of  Bari.  The  tumult  without,  while  the  election 
was  going  on,  might  well  be  cited  as  evidence  that 
the  choice  of  the  cardinals  was  not  altogether  free ; 
but  the  fact  that  they  did  not  venture  to  publish 
the  name  of  the  person  elected  at  once  to  the  popu- 
lace, but  put  them  off  by  evasions  and  subterfuges, 
till  the  violence  of  the  storm  had  passed,  is  also 
good  evidence  that  it  was  not  altogether  compul- 
sory. Had  they  been  perfectly  free  they  would 
probably  not  have  selected  an  Italian  at  all ;  had 
they  really  acted  under  compulsion,  their  choice 
would  probably  not  have  fallen  upon  the  Archbishop 
of  Bari.  But  for  the  full  validity  of  the  election 
the  following  facts  may  well  be  considered  decisive  : 
(1)  That,  when  order  was  restored,  no  voice  of 
protest  was  lifted  up  against  the  new  pope,  who 
assumed  the  name  of  Urban  VI.;  and  (2)  That 
all  the  cardinals,  without  excepting  even  those 
who  had  remained  behind  at  Avignon,  recognized 
and  did  homage  to  him,  and  announced  his 
election  and  coronation  in  bulls  subscribed  with 
their  own  hands  to  the  emperor  and  to  collective 
Christendom. 
Pope  Urban  YI.  was  learned,  frank  and  upright, 


8  JOHN   HUS. 


a  man  of  rigid  morality,  vigorous  and  unbending  in 
his  zeal  for  religion  and  God's  service,  and  withal 
a  declared  enemy  to  everything  in  the  shape  of 
simony.  But  he  was  proud,  domineering,  harsh 
and  hard  even  to  cruelty,  self-willed  and  obstinate, 
although  not  altogether  inaccessible  to  the  flatterer, 
and  given  over  to  the  most  unbounded  nepotism. 
The  zeal  that  he  undoubtedly  possessed  for  the  ex- 
tirpation of  the  countless  and  deeply  rooted  abuses 
that  were  existing  and  floarishing,  was  far  too  defi- 
cient in  the  requisite  prudence  and  kindliness  to 
attain  its  desired  end.  He  wanted  to  commence 
reform  with  the  cardinals  and  highest  dignitaries 
of  his  court;  but  public  expostulations,  reproofs 
and  threats  were  scarcely,  under  the  circumstances, 
the  most  eligible  means  to  begin  with.  The  vari- 
ously aggrieved  and  mortified  cardinals  quitted 
Eome  during  the  heat  of  summer  under  pretext  of 
the  malaria,  met  together  at  Anagni,  and  there 
found  leisure  to  compare  notes  and  communicate 
to  each  other  their  discontent  at  the  election  that 
they  had  made.  Were  courtly  French  gentlemen 
to  be  put  to  scorn  and  shame  by  a  rude  and  over- 
bearing Italian?  Were  not  the  discomforts  of 
Rome  sufficient,  without  perpetual  inquiry  into 
little  peccadilloes,  to  which  long  custom  had  all 
but  given  a  quasi-sanction  ?  Return  to  Avignon 
was  proposed  to  Urban,  who  rejected  the  proposal 
briefly  and  decidedly,  but  was  withal  unwise  enough 
to  make  by  uncourteous  and  disrespectful  treat- 
ment an  enemy  of  Duke  Otto  of  Brunswick,  husband 


HISTORICAL   INTRODUCTION. 


of  Joanna,  Queen  of  Naples,  wlio  was  sent  to  liim 
on  the  mission.  Thus  the  malcontent  cardinals 
obtained  protection  and  encouragement,  not  only 
from  the  King  of  France,  who  was  only  too  happy 
to  enjoy  the  eclat  of  the  residence  of  the  pope  in 
his  territories  and  as  it  were  under  his  protection, 
but  also  from  the  Queen  of  Naples.  Finally,  four 
months  after  the  election  and  coronation  of  Urban 
VI.,  the  cardinals  formed  the  resolution  of  declaring 
the  act  of  the  conclave  extorted  by  tumult,  and 
therefore  canonic  ally  invalid. 

No  sooner  did  knowledge  of  the  threatening 
schism  reach  the  ears  of  the  Emperor  Charles  IV., 
than  he  sent  his  commissioners  to  the  cardinals, 
urging  and  adjuring  them  to  stop  in  what  they  had 
so  unhaj)pily  begun,  to  return  from  their  evil  way, 
to  reconcile  themselves  with  Urban  VI.,  and  thus 
to  prevent  the  ruin  that  was  impending  over  the 
Church. 

"  It  becomes  the  imperial  majesty  of  the  world,"  wrote  he, 
"  to  promote  the  welfare  of  the  state,  and  wholesomely  to  pro- 
vide against  the  baneful  perils  of  discords,  especially  those  by 
which  the  condition  and  desired  tranquillity  of  the  Holy  Church 
of  God  are  injured,  so  far  as  the  Most  High  deigns  to  allow  it. 
Verily  the  fleeting  loquacity  of  Fame  hath  greatly  disturbed 
men's  ears  with  a  horrible  matter,  how  that  certain  lord 
cardinals  are  setting  about  opposing  themselves  to  Pope  Urban 
VI.,  and  have  separated  from  him  under  certain  colourable  pre- 
texts. .  .  .  Whereas,  from  the  letters  of  the  major  part  of  the 
aforesaid  lord  cardinals,  transmitted  to  us  successively  after  the 
election  and  coronation  of  our  aforesaid  lord  the  pope,  which 
we  have  commanded  to  be  kept  in  careful  custody,  it  is  most 


10  JOHN   HUS. 


clear  and  evident,  tliat  tlie  aforesaid  our  lord  the  pope,  unani- 
mously and  canonically  elected  and  solemnly  crownod,  hath, 
with  you  present  and  consenting  to  him,  performed  several,  yea, 
manifold  acts,  and  has  with  just  title  made  them  papal  acts,  in 
assemblies  both  public  and  private,  we  wonder  greatly,  and 
with  good  reason,  whether  a  separation  of  this  kind — a  thing 
which  nevertheless  we  do  not  believe— rests  on  a  basis  of  truth. 
Who  among  you,  most  reverend  cardinals,  can  have  stood  forth 
as  a  seducer,  and  not  as  a  cardinal,  malevolently  sowing  tares 
so  scandalous  in  the  fields  of  the  Holy  Church  of  God  ?  " 

Hearing  soon  afterwards,  that  tlie  cardinals  had 
betaken  themselves  from  Anagni  to  Fondi,  in  the 
territory  of  Naples,  Charles  called  also  upon  the 
Queen  of  Naples,  in  a  letter  of  similar  tenour,  to 
prevent  her  vassal,  the  Count  of  Fondi,  from 
giving  any  assistance  to  them  in  their  apostasy. 
But,  being  in  full  understanding,  not  only  with  the 
Queen  of  Naples,  but  also  with  the  powerful  King  of 
France,  they  considered  their  position  completely 
secure,  and  on  September  28th,  1378,  elected,  at 
Fondi,  one  of  their  own  number.  Cardinal  Eobert 
of  Geneva,  anti-pope,  in  opposition  to  Urban,  under 
the  name  of  Clement  VII.  The  selection  was  made 
far  more  in  accordance  with  the  dictates  of  worldly 
policy  than  from  any  motives  connected  with  re- 
ligion or  the  spiritual  welfare  of  the  Church.  Near 
akin  to  the  royal  family  of  France,  and  more 
distantly  connected  with  the  House  of  Luxemburg, 
and  thus  with  the  present  wearer  of  the  Imperial 
Crow-n,  it  was  hoped  that  he  would  without  diffi- 
culty obtain  general  recognition.  But  the  Emperor 
Charles   IV.   refused  to  entertain  the  idea  of    a 


HISTOEICAL  INTRODUCTION.  11 

second  jDope  for  a  moment,  and  became,  unsought^ 
the  most  faithful,  active,  and  energetic  supporter 
of  Urban  VI.  His  emissaries  hastened  with  letters, 
not  only  to  the  princes  of  the  empire,  but  to 
almost  every  court  in  Europe,  exhorting  all  to 
steadfast  adherence  to  Urban,  and  refuting  the 
manifesto  of  the  apostate  cardinals.  Charles  was 
Eoman  emperor,  and,  as  such,  chief  protector  of 
the  Christian  Church  ;  he  felt  himself,  therefore, 
bound  in  conscience  to  make  head  against  the 
mighty  evil  that  was  commencing.  Long,  too, 
had  he  striven  to  obtain,  and  had  at  length 
succeeded  in  obtaining,  the  return  of  the  papal 
court  from  Avignon  to  Kome,  and  had  thus 
rescued  it  from  the  overwhelming  ascendancy  of 
France.  But  now  the  success  of  his  policy  was 
rendered  doubtful  by  the  prospect  of  Clement  VII. 's 
return  to  Avignon. 

The  schism  being  now  complete,  the  principal 
ecclesiastical  authorities,  and  withal,  the  three 
universities  that  held  the  highest  rank  in  Europe, 
those  of  Paris,  Oxford,  and  Prague,  cried  aloud  for 
the  convocation  of  a  general  council.  It  then 
became  a  question  by  w^hich  of  the  rival  popes 
it  was  to  be  convoked,  but  the  majority  of  con- 
temporary authorities  agreed  in  the  opinion,  that 
nnder  such  circumstances  this  duty  appertained 
to  the  Pioman  emperor.  Thus  the  opinion  ex- 
pressed by  many  of  Charles's  contemporaries 
appears  to  have  been  not  altogether  groundless, 
that  the  personal  esteem   in  which  he  was  held, 


12  JOHN  HUS. 


and  the  jpersonal  influence,  as  well  as  the  ac- 
knowledged prudence,  ability,  and  energy,  which 
he  possessed,  would  probably,  ere  long,  have 
succeeded  in  suppressing  the  new-born  schism, 
had  he  not  been  carried  off  by  a  ferer  on 
November  29th,  1378,  in  the  63rd  year  of  his 
age. 

Whom,  then,  did  he  leave  as  his  successor  in  this 
difficult  and  delicate  task  ?  His  eldest  son,  Wen- 
ceslas  IV.,  surnamed  the  Lazy,  whose  election 
as  king  of  the  Eomans  Charles  had  procured  by 
no  very  honourable  means,  and  contrary  to  all 
precedent,  during  his  own  lifetime.  Wenceslas  IV. 
was  a  spoilt  child  from  the  first,  and  a  spoilt  child 
he  remained  throughout  the  whole  of  his  life. 
Indolent  and  good-natured,  though  subject  to 
violent  fits  of  passion,  he  w^as  never  so  happy  as 
when,  casting  the  cares  of  royalty  on  the  shoulder 
of  a  brother  or  a  cousin,  he  devoted  himself  to  the 
pleasures  of  the  chase  in  the  vast  woods  and  forests 
of  Krivoklat  or  Zwikow.  There  was  nothing  that 
he  loved  and  admired  so  much  as  a  huge  dog,  and 
his  agents  were  constantly  employed  abroad  in 
seeking  and  procuring  for  him  these  objects  of  his 
affection.  The  largest  of  them  all  was  an  in- 
mate of  his  bedroom,  and  slept  at  his  feet ;  and 
it  was  commonly  believed  that  the  sudden  death 
of  his  first  wife.  Queen  Joanna,  was  due  to  this 
monster,  who  seized  her  l)y  the  throat  when 
she  rose  from  her  bed  in  the  dead  of  the 
night.     Tall,  and  powerful  in  stature,  AVenceslas 


HISTORICAL   INTRODUCTION.  13 

was  well  read,  and  spoke  Latin  excellently,  while 
a  single  anecdote  is  sufficient  to  prove  his  wit. 
Accustomed  in  the  early  part  of  his  reign  to 
go  about  at  night  incognito  with  a  band  of  com- 
panions, partly  for  frolic,  partly  for  the  purpose 
of  redressing  wrongs,  and  observing  the  conduct 
of  subordinate  officials,  he  once  found  the  words 
Wenceslaus  alter  Nero,  written  upon  a  wall.  He 
immediately  took  a  piece  of  chalk  and  wrote  under 
them  a  rhymed  completion  of  the  couplet :  Si  non 
fui,  adhuc  ero.  He  endeavoured  to  rule  hy  personal 
sway,  like  his  father,  but  never,  like  him,  attained 
to  the  power  of  ruling  himself.  That  he  was  not 
a  man  of  good  and  delicate  taste,  is  shown  by  the 
obscene  embellishments  with  which  he  caused  his 
bible,  which  is  still  in  existence,  to  be  disfigured ; 
and  as  he  grew  in  years,  he  became  more  and 
more  devoted  to  the  x^leasures  of  the  table  and  the 
bottle.  In  a  position  to  which  he  was  unequal, 
with  a  better  will  and  better  intentions  than  any 
of  his  contemporaries,  and  never  unpopular  among 
the  people  of  his  realm,  his  name  has  gone  down 
to  iDOsterity  as  that  of  the  weakest  and  most  un- 
successful monarch  of  his  day.  Nor  was  it  one  of 
his  smallest  difficulties,  that  his  father  by  will 
partitioned  his  dominions  amongst  his  sons,  assign- 
ing Brandenburg  to  Sigismund,  and  the  newly- 
created  Dukedom  of  Gorlitz  to  John,  while  his 
nephews,  Jost  and  Proeop,  inherited  the  Margravate 
of  Moravia  from  their  father.  To  Wenceslas  fell 
Bohemia,   Silesia,  parts  of  Bavaria  and   Saxony, 


14  JOHN   HUS. 


and  the  portion  of  Lusatia  which  was  not  included 
in  the  Dukedom  of  Gorlitz. 

How  was  it  with  the  other  states  of  Europe  ? 
There  was  but  one  ruler  who  ruled  with  success 
and  ability,  and  that  was  a  woman.  Margaret  of 
Denmark,  the  celebrated  foundress  of  the  Union  of 
Calmar  in  1397,  governed  with  vigour  and  jn'U- 
dence  in  the  north  of  Europe  from  1376,  first  as 
guardian  of  her  son,  and  afterwards  in  her  own 
right.  But,  though  Scandinavia  prospered  and 
flourished,  she  exercised  but  little  influence  on  the 
course  of  events  throughout  the  central  and 
southern  portions  of  the  Continent.  Edward  III., 
of  England,  had  been  called  away  in  1377,  leaving 
the  crown  to  his  grandson  Eichard  II.,  who  was 
but  thirteen  years  old  at  his  accession,  and  whose 
incapacity  and  dismal  fate  are  too  well  known  to 
be  worth  dilating  upon.  France,  too,  three  years 
later  lost  her  Charles  V.,  surnamed  the  Wise, 
who  had  greatly  restored  his  country  and  raised 
the  power  of  his  crown  after  the  terrible  blows 
inflicted  by  the  English,  attaining  his  ends  by 
measures  which  were  always  clever  and  prudent, 
if  not  altogether  just  and  righteous.  His  sou  and 
successor  was  Charles  VI.,  who  was  only  twelve 
years  old  at  the  time  of  his  father's  death,  and 
the  regency  was  made  use  of  by  his  uncles  for 
their  own  selfish  ends,  so  that  the  land  was  deso- 
lated by  misgovernment  and  misery.  And  when 
Charles  became  old  enough  to  take  the  reins  of 
government  into  bis  own  hands,  it  was  not  long 


HISTORICAL   INTRODUCTION.  15 

before  he  sank  into  a  melancholy  condition  of 
mental  derangement,  with  lucid  intervals  but  few 
and  far  between.  King  Louis  of  Hungary  and 
Poland,  a  man  of  high  and  distinguished  personal 
character,  died  in  1382,  leaving  only  two  daughters 
behind  him,  under  the  guardianship  of  an  ambi- 
tious and  unscrupulous  mother,  whose  characteris- 
tics were  rather  vanity  and  cunning,  than  pride 
and  prudence.  Spain  was  divided  into  several 
Idugdoms,  and  engaged  in  the  death-struggle  with 
the  slowly  receding  Moor. 

Thus  throughout  the  rest  of  Europe  there  was, 
as  Palacky  says,  a  kind  of  equilibrium  of  weakness, 
while  in  Germany  not  the  smallest  trace  of 
patriotism  was  to  be  found  among  the  greater  or 
lesser  possessors  of  power.  All  was  sunk  in  the 
deepest  selfishness,  no  one  thinking  of  aught  but 
the  advancement  of  his  own  jDower  or  the  increase 
of  his  own  territory,  and  every  one  utterly  careless 
as  to  the  morality  of  the  means  to  be  employed  for 
the  pm'pose.  In  the  cities  alone  appeared  now  and 
then  a  comforting  exception,  to  show  that  there 
still  remained  a  germ  of  goodness.  The  supremacy 
of  the  emperors  had  been  broken  down  ever  since 
the  days  of  the  Hohenstaufen,  and  was  now  rather 
ideal  than  real,  depending  entirely  uj)on  the  per- 
sonal qualities  or  military  ascendency  of  the  wearer 
of  the  crown.  The  emperor  himself  was  practi- 
cally looked  upon  by  the  great  princes  of  the  empire, 
as  merely  primus  inter  pares,  and  was  little  more 
than  the  head  of  an  oligarchical  republic.  The  great 


16  JOHN   HUS. 


aim  of  the  princes  was  to  convert  tlieir  fiefs  into  in- 
dependent sovereignties,  while  the  inferior  nobility 
and  the  to'^Tis  endeavoured  to  secure  themselves 
against  them,  like  the  Swiss,  by  leagues  and  con- 
federacies. Charles  IV.  had  never  seized  the 
opportunity  of  allying  himself  with  the  people  and 
inferior  nobility,  to  break  the  ever-increasing  power 
of  the  princes,  but  had  merely  endeavoured  by 
adroit  and  skilful  diplomacy  to  calm  the  troubled 
waters  and  prevent  active  encroachments  and  usur- 
pations. He  gained  thereby  no  gratitude  from  any 
one,  but  left  difficulties  preparing  for  his  son  and 
successor,  which  none  but  a  master-hand  could 
have  successfully  encountered  or  disentangled. 

So  long  as  the  exj^erienced  advisers  of  his  father 
lived,  Wenceslas  exhibited  zeal  and  energy  towards 
putting  an  end  to  the  great  schism  in  the  church, 
and  towards  the  restoration  of  public  peace  and 
quiet  in  Germany- .  Not  many  weeks  after  his 
accession,  he  convoked  a  diet  at  Nuremberg,  but  it 
was  an  evil  omen  that  very  few  of  the  princes  of 
the  empire  appeared  there,  either  in  person  or  by 
their  plenipotentiaries.  At  a  second  diet,  at  Frank- 
fort-on-the-Main,  he  was  more  fortunate,  and  reso- 
lutions were  passed,  that  Germany  would  maintain 
internal  peace  at  home  and  unanimously  join  the 
king  in  espousing  the  cause  of  Urban  VI.  Neither 
the  ambassadors  of  the  anti-pope,  nor  those  of  the 
King  of  France,  were  allowed  an  audience,  and  it 
was  plainly  stated  to  the  latter,  that  it  was  not 
tlieir  king,  but  the  future  emperor,  that  was  the 


HISTORICAL   INTRODUCTION.  17 

natural  advocate  and  protector  of  the  Holy  Eomau 
Church,  whose  duty  it  was  of  right  to  provide  for 
the  well-being  of  the  pope  and  the  Holy  Christian 
Faith.  After  this  Clement  YII.  thought  it  no 
longer  safe  to  remain  in  the  territory  of  Naples, 
but  placed  himself  under  the  more  powerful  pro- 
tection of  the  King  of  France,  at  Avignon.  He  was 
followed  by  the  great  majority  of  the  existing 
cardinals,  so  that  Urba,n  VI.  was  under  the  neces- 
sity of  surrounding  himself  with  a  fresh  body  of 
those  princes  of  the  Churcli. 

Wenceslas  found  little  difficulty  in  suppressing 
the  germs  of  schism  in  his  own  inherited  crown 
lands ;  but  in  Germany,  in  spite  of  the  resolutions 
of  the  diet,  there  were  many  powerful  princes,  who 
were  only  too  ready  to  seize  every  opportunity  of 
turning  the  contest  between  the  rival  popes  to  the 
furtherance  of  their  own  selfish  ends  and  interests. 
And,  to  the  great  misfortune  of  both  Wenceslas 
himself  and  the  land  of  Bohemia,  it  came  to  pass, 
that  all  the  principal  councillors  of  Charles  IV.,  by 
whom  he  had  hitherto  been  guided,  were  swept 
away  by  the  hand  of  death  in  1380,  whether  by  the 
plagae,  which  then  raged  in  Bohemia,  or  otherwise, 
we  are  uninformed.  Thus  far  his  reign  had  been 
merely  a  continuation  of  that  of  his  father  ;  he  was 
now  compelled  to  come  into  the  foreground  himself 
with  all  his  personal  failings  and  deficiencies.  He 
was,  however,  able  to  settle  the  long  dispute  and 
warfare  between  the  rival  claimants  to  the  arch- 
bishopric of  Maintz.  and  by  means  of  an  exchange 

c 


18  JOHN  HUS. 


of  bishoprics  in  Bohemia  and  Germany,  to  establish 
Adolphus  of  Nassau  at  Maintz,  as  a  pronounced 
adherent  of  Urban  YI.  Here,  however,  all  serious 
endeavours  on  the  part  of  Wenceslas  ^yith  regard 
to  the  schism  came  to  an  end.  Finding  that 
France  was  not  to  be  induced  to  cease  from  sup- 
porting Clement  YII.,  he  renewed  the  ancient 
friendshixD  and  alliance  between  the  houses  of 
Luxemburg  and  Yalois,  without  the  slightest  refer- 
ence to  the  discord  in  the  Church,  a  proceeding 
which  produced  a  very  painful  impression  on  the 
mind  of  Urban. 

A  grand  superstructure  of  hope  had  been  raised 
by  the  French  cardinals  upon  the  negotiations, 
which  had  been  begun  in  1380  by  the  French 
court,  to  effect  a  marriage  between  their  youthful 
King  Charles  YL,  and  Wenceslas's  young  and 
amiable  sister  Anne.  Cardinal  Pileus,  Urban's 
legate  in  Bohemia,  naturally  exerted  himself  to  the 
utmost  to  bring  this  project  to  nothing,  and  to 
favour  the  rival  proposals  of  I^ng  Eichard  II.  of 
England ;  and  before  the  end  of  1381  the  princess 
made  her  public  entry  into  London.  Her  arrival 
was  signalized  by  an  amnesty,  which  she  obtained 
for  several  political  prisoners,  and,  later,  frequent 
acts  of  intercession  of  a  similar  kind  and  other 
beneficent  actions  earned  her  the  name  and  memory 
of  "the  good  Queen  Anne."  Not  only  did  she 
bring  new  fashions  across  the  water  with  her,  but 
also,  what  at  that  day  was  far  more  extraordinary, 
a  copy  of  the  gospels  in  three  languages,  as  Wy- 


HISTORICAL   INTRODUCTION.  19 

cliffe  himself  informs  us — Bohemian,  German,  and 
Latin — which  she  was  in  the  habit  of  studying 
diligently.  The  celebrated  Thomas  Arundel,  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury,  eulogized  at  her  death  the 
extraordinary  love  she  exhibited  towards  Holy 
Scripture,  and  the  diligence  with  which  she  studied 
it  in  the  English  language  ;  in  this  respect  far  sur- 
passing many  dignitaries  of  the  Church.  There  is 
also  reason  to  think,  that  the  continual  and  intimate 
intercourse,  which  she  kept  up  with  her  brother 
and  her  fatherland,  was  not  without  its  influence 
upon  the  great  events  that  afterwards  came  to  pass 
in  Bohemia. 

TVenceslas  went  so  far  in  accordance  with  the 
wishes  of  Urban,  as  to  break  off  intimate  relations 
with  the  French  court,  although  neither  Urban  nor 
Eichard  could  prevail  upon  him  to  enter  into  an 
alliance  against  it.  Finding,  however,  that  Urban 
persisted  in  appointing  bishops  in  Germany,  nay, 
actually  in  Silesia,  without  the  slightest  considera- 
tion for  his  wishes,  "Wenceslas  wrote  the  pope  a 
letter  full  of  complaints  and  even  of  threats,  and  the 
cardinal  legate  in  consequence  quitted  Bohemia. 
Still  a  reconciliation  was  so  far  brought  about,  that 
the  king  made  arrangements  for  visiting  Italy  in  the 
April  of  1383,  to  receive  the  imperial  crown  from  the 
hands  of  the  vicar  of  Christ,  a  prospect  which  filled 
all  patriot  hearts  in  Italy  with  joy,  as  they  descried 
therein  grounds  of  hoxmig  for  aid  to  put  a  stop  to 
the  proceedings  of  the  wicked  Charles  of  Anjou  and 
bis  worthless   Frenchmen  in  the  south.     But  the 


20  JOHN   HUS. 


condition  of  Germany  prevented  the  execution  of  this 
project.  The  terms  of  the  general  "  land-]3eaee," 
which  was  agreed  upon  in  the  diet  at  Nuremberg 
on  March  11th,  1383,  with  its  division  of  Germany 
into  four  parts,  all  bound  to  keep  peace  together 
and  to  unite  in  quelling  any  disturbance  thereof, 
appeared  to  the  cities  to  assign  more  power  to  the 
princes  and  princely  lords  than  was  consistent  with 
their  interests  ;  nor  was  it  till  July  26th,  1384,  that 
Wenceslas  was  able  to  induce  the  parties  to  consent 
to  an  agreement  to  live  in  harmony  for  the  short 
space  of  four  years,  a  truce  which  was,  however, 
eventually  of  much  shorter  duration. 

Bohemia  itself  enjoyed,  during  the  first  part  of 
Wenceslas's  reign,  uninterrupted  peace  and  quiet 
internally,  and  an  amount  of  prosperity  rarely  to 
be  found  during  the  middle  ages.  No  doubt  this 
was  mainly  due  to  the  measures  and  management 
of  the  late  Emperor  Charles  IV.,  who  appears  to  far 
greater  advantage  as  the  wise  and  beneficent  King 
of  Bohemia,  than  as  the  shifty  and  time-serving 
Emperor  of  Germany.  But  the  silver  mines  of 
Kuttenberg,  the  extensive  commerce  of  the  cit}^ 
and  the  celebrity  of  the  University  of  Prague,  and 
the  lightness  of  taxation  in  the  country  at  large, 
all  contributed  to  this  fortunate  result. 

Several  of  the  highest  offices  had  become  here- 
ditary in  certain  noble  families,  and  had  thus 
sunk  into  mere  honorary  titles.  Among  the  chief 
members  of  the  council  for  home  affairs  were  Wen- 
ceslas's cousins,  Jost   and  Procop,  the  Margraves 


HISTORICAL   INTRODUCTION.  21 

of  Moravia,  and  the  Archbishop  of  Prague,  John  of 
Jenstein,  ^\'hile  but  few  of  the  great  officials  of  the 
court  and  country  were  included  in  it.  Over  and 
above  this  great  council  Wenceslas  organized  for 
himself  a  kind  of  cabinet  or  camarilla,  composed 
principally  of  gentlemen  of  the  inferior  order  of 
nobility,  and  even  of  citizens  of  Prague,  who  were 
entirely  devoted  to  his  person.  Under  their  influ- 
ence the  clergy  were  treated  with  little  consideration, 
and  ere  long  the  king  came  into  collision  with  his 
Lord  Chancellor,  the  Archbishop  of  Prague,  in  whose 
heart  a  severe  illness  combined  with  other  circum- 
stances had  caused  gaiety  and  worldliness  to  make 
way  for  asceticism  and  spiritual  pride,  and  who  was 
now  prepared  to  meet  his  sovereign  in  the  tone  and 
temper  of  Thomas  a  Becket.  A  dispute  having 
arisen  between  the  archbishop  and  the  king's 
favourite,  John  Czuch  of  Zasada,  as  to  the  right  of 
constructing  and  maintaining  a  weir  on  the  Elbe, 
and  the  archbishop  having  betaken  himself  to  the 
use  of  violence  for  the  purpose  of  enforcing  his 
claims,  the  king  in  anger  summoned  him  to  Karl- 
stein,  kept  him  in  durance  several  days,  deprived 
him  of  the  office  of  chancellor,  and  authorized 
Czuch  to  reimburse  himself  by  forays  upon  the 
lands  of  the  archiepiscopal  see.  In  the  skirmishes 
that  thus  occurred  is  found  the  first  certain  in- 
stance of  the  use  of  firearms  in  Bohemia. 

King  Louis  of  Hungary  and  Poland  died  on  Sep- 
tember 11th,  1382,  and  his  eldest  daughter  Maria, 
then  only  twelve  years  old,  who  was  betrothed  to 


22  JOHN  HUS. 


Yv'enceslas's  next  brother,  Sigismund,  was  crowned 
"King"  of  Hungary  on  the  17th  of  the  same 
month.  Wars  and  disturbances  intervened,  and 
the  actual  marriage  did  not  take  place  till  October, 
1385.  Finally  Sigismund  found  himself  obliged 
to  renounce  all  claim  to  the  throne  of  Poland, 
but  was  solemnly  crowned  King  of  Hungary  on 
March  81st,  1387,  with  the  crown  of  St.  Stephen  at 
Stuhlweissenburg.  This  elevation  brought  about 
fresh  arrangements  in  the  House  of  Luxemburg, 
by  which  Brandenburg  was  assigned  in  mortgage 
to  Margrave  Jost,  Wenceslas's  cousin ;  Wenceslas 
himself  received  the  revenues  of  the  silver  mines 
at  Kuttenberg,  and  Sigismund  resigned  all  claim  to 
the  succession  to  the  Bohemian  crown  in  favour 
of  the  youngest  brother,  John  of  Gorlitz. 

In  1387  the  internal  peace  of  Bohemia  was  dis- 
turbed for  the  first  time,  by  a  local  insurrection  which 
so  enfeebled  the  king's  power  of  enforcing  obedience 
in  Germany,  that  a  civil  war  broke  out  between  the 
princes  and  the  cities,  in  which  the  cities  suffered 
a  decisive  defeat  on  August  24th,  1388,  at  Doffin- 
gen.  After  this,  Wenceslas,  weary  of  a  nominal 
sovereignty,  to  which  no  one  paid  any  regard, 
appears  to  have  seriously  contemplated  the  abdica- 
tion of  the  dignity  of  King  of  the  Romans. 

Wenceslas,  who  had  lost  his  Queen  Joanna  by 
sudden  death  in  December,  1386,  now,  in  1389, 
entered  into  a  second  marriage  with  Sophia  of 
Bavaria,  a  young  and  handsome  princess,  pious 
and  kindly,  who  never  varied  in  the  most  faithful 


HISTORICAL  INTRODUCTION.  23 

attachment  to  her  husband  under  the  most  dis- 
couraging circumstances.  This  match  exercised  a 
considerable  effect  upon  subsequent  events,  as  the 
queen  eventually  took  up  a  position  favourable 
to  the  party  that  was  calling  for  reform  in  the 
Church. 

At  the  diet  at  Eger,  in  April  and  May,  1389, 
Wenceslas  was  compelled  to  declare  the  ille- 
gality of  the  confederation  of  his  former  allies, 
the  German  cities,  and  to  dissolve  it.  Meanwhile 
a  terrible  persecution  of  the  Jews  broke  out  at 
Prague,  of  which  Wenceslas,  though  accused  by 
his  enemies  as  "  detested  by  the  clergy  and  people, 
the  nobles,  the  citizens,  and  the  peasants,  and 
acceptable  to  the  Jews  alone,"  took  advantage  to 
direct  a  considerable  portion  of  the  Jewish  wealth 
into  his  own  coifers. 

On  October  18th,  1389,  Pope  Urban  VI.  died, 
and  was  succeeded  at  Piome  by  Cardinal  Peter 
Tomacelli,  who  was  crowned  on  November  9tli, 
under  the  name  of  Boniface  IX.  To  him  Urban 
bequeathed  the  carrying  out  of  two  decrees  :  (1)  the 
introduction  throughout  Western  Christendom  of 
the  festival  of  the  Visitation  of  the  Virgin  Mary, 
a  pet  project  of  the  Archbishop  of  Prague,  John 
of  Jenstein,  who  had  unsuccessfully  striven  to  es- 
tablish it  of  his  own  authority  in  his  own  diocese ; 
(2)  the  shortening  of  the  period  of  recurrence  of 
the  Christian  year  of  Jubilee.  This  period  had 
been  already  reduced  by  Clement  VI.  from  a  hun- 
dred  to   fifty  years,  but   was   now   to   be  further 


24  JOHN   HUS. 


diminished  to  tliirty-tliree  years,  the  duration  of 
the  life  of  Christ  upon  earth,  and  at  the  same  time 
the  average  duration  of  human  Hfe.  It  was  there- 
fore decreed  that  the  year  1390  should  be  the  first 
year  of  Jubilee  at  Eome  under  this  novel  reckoning, 
and  crowds  of  pilgrims  streamed  thitherward  from 
all  parts  of  Europe  to  perform  the  prescribed  pro- 
cessions and  acts  of  penitence  in  the  appointed 
churches,  and  to  participate  in  the  indulgences 
granted  in  return. 

Boniface  IX.  was  personally  a  far  more  agreeable 
pope  to  deal  with  than  the  gloomy,  strict,  and 
arrogant  Urban  VI.,  and  we  find  King  Wenceslas 
now  thinking  seriously  about  the  requisite  journey 
to  Eome  to  receive  the  imperial  crown.  But  he 
again  deferred  it  till  after  the  completion  of  the 
year  of  Jubilee  at  Prague,  which  was  to  commence 
on  March  13th,  1393.  The  king  and  his  youthful 
queen  were  among  the  first  to  perform  the  required 
ceremonies,  although  not  altogether  without  dis- 
pensations. The  crowd  was  enormous,  although 
just  then  a  breach  occurred  between  the  king  and 
the  archbishop,  which  threatened  to  invalidate  the 
religious  exercises  of  the  festival  entirely. 

The  archbishop  had  become  extremely  jealous  of 
the  least  infringement  of  his  ecclesiastical  privileges 
and  immunities,  and  had  gone  so  far  as  to  excom- 
municate the  king's  under-treasurer  for  arresting 
several  students  of  the  university,  and  even  with  the 
king's  privity  and  knowledge  causing  two  of  them 
to  be  executed.     No  complaint  was  made  of  any 


HISTOKICAL  INTRODUCTION.  25 

injustice,  but  merely  of  the  violation  of  privilege 
involved  in  the  proceeding.  And  when  the  king 
had  come  to  an  arrangement  with  the  pope  to 
erect  the  Abbey  of  Kladrau  (Kladruhy)  on  the 
death  of  the  then  aged  abbot,  into  an  episcopal 
see,  the  archbishop  caused  the  monks  to  proceed 
so  rapidly  with  the  election,  and  his  vicar-general 
with  the  confirmation,  of  a  successor,  that  the 
king  heard  of  the  death  of  the  old,  and  the  elec- 
tion and  confirmation  of  the  new  abbot  at  one 
and  the  selfsame  time.  The  passionate  nature  of 
the  king  was  by  this  excited  to  fury,  and  though 
some  of  his  councillors  endeavoured  to  effect  a 
reconciliation  between  him  and  the  archbishop, 
yet  w4ien  they  met  on  March  20th,  the  rage  of 
Wenceslas  was  such  that  the  archbishop  was  obhged 
to  escape  as  best  he  could,  several  of  his  clergy 
and  officials  were  maltreated,  and  two  of  them 
cruelly  tortured.  One  of  these,  the  vicar-general, 
John  of  Pomudk,  was  thereby  so  seriously  injured, 
that  his  death  was  certain,  and  the  king  finally 
ordered  him  to  be  carried  to  the  bridge,  which  con- 
nects the  Old  Town  of  Prague  with  the  Kleinseite, 
and  thence  cast  into  the  river  Moldau,  as  a  terror 
to  those  of  the  clergy  who  might  be  inclined  to 
dispute  his  will.*     John  of  Jenstein  naturally  be- 

*  This  historical  personage  was  afterwards  divided  into  two 
persons,  one  real  and  the  other  imaginary,  with  an  interval  of 
ten  years  between  them,  by  the  chronicler  Hajek  (1541).  Through 
the  suppression  of  the  Bohemian  language  and  literature  the 
legend  could  not  be  properly  tested,  and  the  Eoman  Curia  actually 


26  JOHN   HUS. 


took  liimself  to  Pope  Boniface,  but  found  little 
favour  in  his  eyes,  partly  because  he  was  really  in 
the  wrong  in  interfering  with  an  arrangement  which 
had  already  received  the  pope's  sanction,  and  partly 
because  Wenceslas  had  meanwhile  laid  Boniface 
under  a  considerable  obligation  by  detecting  the 
papal  collector  in  Bohemia  in  fraud,  and  thus 
saving  a  large  sum  of  money  for  that  ever -necessi- 
tous pope. 

Wenceslas  now  began  to  feel  the  evil  effects  of 
his  attempts  at  personal  government.  His  cruel 
conduct  towards  some  of  the  most  respected  digni- 
taries of  the  Church  made  a  deep  impression,  of 
which  the  great  lords,  discontented  at  being  practi- 
cally thrust  into  the  background,  while  the  govern- 
ment was  carried  on  through  a  camarilla  of  inferior 
rank,  were  not  slow  to  take  advantage.  A  league 
Avas  formed,  mainly  through  the  exertions  of  Lord 
Henry  of  Eosenberg,  which  was  joined  by  Mar- 
grave Jost  of  Brandenburg  and  Moravia,  Wences- 
las's  cousin,  and  even  by  King  Sigismund  of 
Hungary,  his  brother.  Duke  John  of  Gorlitz,  and 
Margrave  Procop  of  j\Ioravia,  who  was  already  at 
war  with  his  elder  brother  Jost,  were  the  only 
members  of  the  House  of  Luxemburg  that  remained 
faithful  to  Wenceslas.  Sigismund  played  a  double 
part.     He  visited  his  brother  at  Prague,  formed  a 

canonized  the  -whong  one  under  the  name  of  St.  Jolm  Nepomucen, 
in  1727.  See  the  documents  fully  set  forth  in  my  "  Life,  Lc.uend, 
and  Canonization  of  St.  John  Nepomucen."  1873.  Talaclcy  wrote 
me  on  March  I2lh,  1872:  "In  my  judgment,  Saint  Juim  Nepo- 
mucen belongs  solely  to  legend,  in  no  wise  to  Bohemian  history." 


HISTORICAL   INTRODUCTION.  27 

fraternal  alliance  with  him,  and  declared  him  his 
heir  presumptive  in  Hungary,  while  at  the  same 
time  he  came  to  an  understanding  with  the  mal- 
content lords  as  to  the  means  to  be  employed  for 
the  overthrow  of  the  obnoxious  camarilla.  As 
Wenceslas  was  on  his  way  from  his  favourite  castle 
of  Zebrak  to  Prague,  Margrave  Jost  and  the  barons 
with  Henry  of  Eosenberg  at  their  head,  came  to 
him  at  one  of  his  country  houses  on  the  road,  laid 
their  grievances  before  him,  and  finally  arrested 
and  conveyed  him  first  to  Beraun  and  then  to  the 
Hradschin  at  Prague.  They  then  endeavoured  to 
constitute  Margrave  Jost  *'  starosta,"  or  dictator 
of  the  realm,  leaving  Wenceslas  nothing  but  the 
empty  title  of  king. 

Their  sentiments  were  not,  however,  shared  by 
the  people  at  large ;  the  citizens  of  Prague  declared 
in  favour  of  the  king,  the  lords  who  had  remained 
faithful  rose  also  in  his  behalf,  and  Duke  John  of 
Gorlitz  soon  found  himself  at  the  head  of  a  large 
armj-  before  the  gates  of  the  Old  Town  of  Prague, 
which  were  opened  to  him.  The  malcontent  barons 
thought  their  prisoner  no  longer  secure  in  the 
Hradschin,  and  carried  him  off  first  to  Pribenitz, 
then  to  Krumau,  a  strong  town  in  the  south  of 
Bohemia  belonging  to  the  lords  of  Eosenberg,  and 
finally,  with  great  secrecy,  to  the  castle  of  Wild- 
berg.  But  the  devastations  committed  on  the  lands 
of  the  principal  lords  of  the  league  by  John  of  Gor- 
litz and  his  army,  at  length  compelled  them  to  give 
way,   and  Wenceslas  was,  on  August  1st,   1394, 


28  JOHN   HUS. 


delivered  up  to  liis  brother  under  promise  of  a 
complete  amnesty  and  redress  of  grievances. 

These  events  had  a  very  evil  effect  upon  the 
temper  and  character  of  the  king,  who  became 
gloomy  and  vacillating,  though  no  less  obstinate 
and  passionate  than  before,  and  a  tendency  to 
drink  began  to  develope  itself  in  him.  He  again 
assembled  his  favourites  around  him,  and  the 
league  of  malcontent  nobles  began  again  to  raise 
its  head.  Duke  John  undertook  the  thankless  task 
of  mediator,  but  ^Yas  unable  to  satisfy  his  brother, 
"who  harshly  and  ungraciously  deprived  him  of  his 
high  position  in  the  country,  and  issued  decrees 
forl)idding  any  further  obedience  to  be  yielded  to 
his  orders.  The  duke  quitted  Prague,  and  on 
March  1st,  1396,  died  suddenly  at  the  Abbey  of 
Neuzelle. 

Sigismund  of  Hungary  had  hitherto  kept  him- 
self in  the  background,  but  now  came  forward  as 
mediator,  taking,  however,  jDractically  the  part  of 
the  league  against  his  brother,  and  assigning 
him  a  privy  council,  but  one  member  of  which 
was  a  faithful  adherent  of  his  own,  all  the  rest 
being  nobles  of  the  league.  "Wenceslas  suddenly 
arrested  Margrave  Jost,  and  several  of  the  lead- 
ing members  of  the  league,  at  Karlstein,  on 
May  31st,  1396,  but,  ere  long,  again  released 
them.  This  caused  a  great  increase  of  embitter- 
ment  in  the  feelings  of  the  nobles  towards  the  king, 
and  the  most  libellous  writings  were  composed  and 
circulated  against   him.     War  appeared  ready  to 


HISTORICAL   INTRODUCTION.  29 

break  out  afresh,  but  the  storm  fell  instead  upon 
the  heads  of  the  kmg's  favourites.  On  June  11th 
a  meeting  of  the  council  was  summoned  at  Karl- 
stein,  under  the  pretext  of  important  intelligence 
from  Germany ;  four  of  the  favourites  were  called 
out  by  some  of  the  lords  into  a  smaller  room  hard 
by  the  council  chamber,  and  were  there  attacked 
and  murdered. 

The  king  was  in  a  country  house  near  Beraun 
at  the  time,  and  the  murderers  rode  to  him  im- 
mediately, and,  on  bended  knee,  informed  him  of 
the  treasonable  intentions  of  his  favom'ites,  assur- 
ing him  that  they  had  committed  the  deed  out 
of  pure  love  and  loyalty  towards  himself.  And 
Wenceslas  was  actually  weak  enough  to  grant  them 
a  public  pardon  for  their  conduct.  Margrave  Jost 
being,  however,  banished  from  Prague  and  Bohemin, 
as  being,  in  all  probability,  the  real  instigator  of 
the  catastrophe. 

Possibly  Wenceslas  may  have  felt  that  he  had 
no  alternative  but  to  make  concessions  to  the 
league,  as  he  could  not  but  be  aware  of  the  in- 
trigues that  were  being  actively  carried  on  against 
him  in  Germany  and  Italy.  He  determined  to 
make  a  visit  of  some  duration  to  Germany,  and 
appointed  Margrave  Procop  his  lord-lieutenant 
in  Bohemia.  The  "  land-peace,"  which  he  had 
patched  up  at  Eger  in  1389,  had  long  been  at  an 
end  ;  his  attempts  to  prolong  it  had  been  fruitless; 
and  his  nomination  of  King  Sigismund  on  IMarch 
13th,  1396,  as  his  vicar  in  the  empire,  had  been 


30  JOHN   HUS. 


a  nullity,  as  the  victorious  Sultan  Bajazet  had 
made  matters  assume  far  too  threatening  an  ap- 
pearance for  Sigismund  to  attend  to  aught  but 
the  pressing  necessities  of  Hungary.  In  Germany 
there  was  no  supreme  executive,  the  la^\-s  were 
powerless,  and  an  anarchy  was  rampant,  which 
must  have  been  distressing  even  to  those  who 
were  profiting  by  it.  Loud  were  the  complaints 
on  all  sides  raised  against  Wenceslas's  neghgence  ; 
yet  no  one  was  willing  to  give  him  the  slightest 
assistance  in  the  efforts  which  he  did  make  for  the 
restoration  of  order,  while  every  readiness  was 
shown  to  increase  his  difficulties  and  frustrate  his 
best  intentioncd  measures. 

AVe  now  come  to  one  of  those  disgraceful  trans- 
actions, by  which  the  papacy  endeavoured,  as  it 
were,  to  bring  itself  into  contempt  and  disrepute. 
The  Chapter  of  Maintz  had  regularly  elected,  and 
Wenceslas  had  confirmed,  a  new  archbishop  after 
the  death  of  Archbishop  Conrad  in  1396.  But 
Count  John  of  Nassau,  a  disappointed  candidate, 
managed,  in  spite  of  Wenccslas's  protestations,  to 
induce  the  needy  Pope  Boniface  by  a  heavy  bribe  to 
impose  him  upon  the  diocese  by  virtue  of  a  special 
"provision"  of  the  apostolic  see.  His  chief  sup- 
porter was  Enprccht,  the  elector  palatine,  who  had 
long  formed  designs  upon  the  imperial  crown,  and 
had  obtained  from  Count  John  a  formal  promise  in 
writing  to  assist  him  in  every  way,  whatever  might 
be  the  position  of  dignity  to  which  he  should 
aspire. 


HISTORICAL   INTRODUCTION.  hi 

Wenceslas  also,  on  May  lltli,  1395,  granted  the 
title  of  duke  to  Jolm  Galeazzo  del  Visconti,  the 
able  ruler  of  Milan,  -whereby  he  secured  for  himself 
a  faithful  and  powerful  adherent,  but  made  a 
deadly  enemy  in  the  wealthy  and  pov/erful  republic 
of  Florence,  The  Florentines  soon  entered  into 
relations  with  the  discontented  princes  of  the  em- 
pire, and  the  elevation  of  the  Visconti  family 
became  afterwards  the  most  serious  charge  brought 
against  Wenceslas  by  the  electors,  this  important 
act  having  been  performed  entirely  without  their 
knowledge.  Wenceslas,  however,  succeeded  in 
assembling  a  general  diet  at  Frankfort-on-the- 
Main,  and  in  obtaining  a  "land-peace"  in  Ger- 
many for  the  space  of  ten  years,  which  was 
accordingly  proclaimed  on  January  6th,  1398. 
But  on  March  3rd,  the  elector  palatine,  and  the 
Archbishops  of  Maintz  and  Trier,  had  the  audacity 
to  shorten  its  duration  to  five  years  on  their  own 
authority. 

Charles  VI.  of  France  now  appears  on  the  scene, 
as  one  endeavouring  to  put  an  end  to  the  prolonged 
scandal  of  the  great  schism  in  the  Church.  France 
and  Spain  alone  had  devoted  themselves  to  the 
pope  at  Avignon,  all  the  rest  of  Christendom  ad- 
hering to  the  pope  at  Eome.  Clement  VII.  had 
died  in  1394,  and  Peter  of  Luna,  Benedict  XIIL, 
an  Arragonese,  had  been  elected  by  the  cardinals 
at  Avignon,  contrary  to  the  wishes  of  Charles. 
Charles,  therefore,  at  the  instance  of  the  University 
of  Paris,  put  forward  proposals,  in  which  he  was 


32  JOHK   HUS. 

supported  by  the  kings  of  England,  Castillo,  and 
Navarre,  that  both  popes  should  resign  simultane- 
ously, that  the  two  colleges  of  cardinals  should 
be  fused  into  one,  and  that  a  new  pope,  who 
should  commajid  universal  obedience,  should  be 
elected  by  the  united  college.  The  action  of  the 
University  of  Prague  induced  Wenceslas  reluc- 
tantly to  give  up  his  allegiance  to  the  ungrateful 
Boniface,  and  assent  to  this  project,  which  w'as 
opposed  by  those  who  might  have  been  expected 
to  co-operate  with  it  to  the  utmost,  the  count 
palatine  and  the  Archbishops  of  Maintz  and 
Trier. 

Wenceslas  now  determined  to  visit  France,  and 
was  met  on  March  23rd,  1398,  b}^  King  Charles 
and  the  princes  of  his  family,  before  the  gates  of 
Piheims,  and  welcomed  as  a  relative  with  the 
highest  honours,  the  greatest  care  being,  however, 
taken  to  exclude  all  idea  of  homage  and  all  recogni- 
tion of  any  imperial  power  over  France.  Wenceslas 
appeared  to  little  advantage  before  the  daint}- 
manners  and  politeness  of  the  French  court,  and 
his  coarseness  and  the  over-indulgence  of  his 
appetite  caused  many  an  anecdote  to  be  whispered 
about  at  Eheims.  Nay,  as  early  as  March  25th, 
when  he  was  engaged  to  dine  with  Charles,  the 
Dukes  of  Bcrri  and  Bourbon  went  to  his  lodging 
to  accompany  him  to  the  palace,  but  returned  in 
shame  and  perplexity,  having  found  him  already 
sunk  in  the  deep  sleep  of  gluttony  and  intoxication. 
No  very  definite  engagements   were  entered   into 


HISTORICAL  INTRODUCTION.  33 

during  the  visit  to  France,  and  Wenceslas  returned 
again  to  Germany,  and  thence  to  Bohemia. 

He  then,  however,  appeared  to  take  greater  in- 
terest in  the  plan  suggested  for  tlie  removal  of  the 
great  ecclesiastical  scandal,  and  it  was  finally 
agreed  that  the  Kings  of  Hungary  and  of  Poland, 
with  divers  other  princes,  should  meet  him  at 
Breslau,  at  Christmas,  1398,  to  consider  the  re- 
storation of  the  unity  of  the  Church.  But  when 
the  time  approached,  Wenceslas  was  attacked  by 
so  serious  an  illness,  that  all  thoughts  of  the  con- 
gress were  of  necessity  abandoned,  and  ere  his 
recovery  events  occurred  which  put  an  end  for  the 
time  to  all  negotiations  on  the  subject. 

Early  in  1399  the  nobles  of  the  league  began 
to  move  again,  and  a  civil  war  broke  out  in  Bo- 
hemia, to  which  neither  King  Sigismund  nor  the 
Elector  Palatine,  Paiprecht,  appear  to  have  been 
strangers.  Very  little  is  known  respecting  the 
details  of  the  struggle,  but  on  June  15th,  an  armis- 
tice was  concluded  till  January  6th,  1400,  during 
which  interval  all  matters  in  dispute  were  to  be 
settled  by  eight  elected  umpires.  However,  the 
land  did  not  so  easily  regain  the  blessings  of  peace, 
although  the  ill-will  of  the  malcontents  appears  to 
have  been  directed,  not  so  much  against  Wenceslas 
himself,  as  against  Margrave  Procop,  whom  he 
had  made  his  viceroy  in  Bohemia  during  his  ab- 
sence in  Germany,  and  also  during  his  late  severe 
illness.  Margrave  Jost  and  others  visited  Sigis- 
mund  at    Buda,    accusing    Procop   of   being    the 

D 


34  JOHN  HUS. 


**  origin  and  fomenter  of  all  the  discord  in  tlie 
land  of  Bohemia :  "  and  on  January  18tli,  Sigis- 
mund  appeared  in  armed  alliance  ^Yitll  the  league 
at  Iglau,  in  Moravia. 

These  disturbances  in  Bohemia  offered  just  the 
opportunity  that  the  Ehenish  electors  desired. 
They  won  over  Eudolf,  the  Elector  of  Saxony,  and 
took  every  means  to  strengthen  their  party  by  new 
alliances,  while  Wenceslas  was  vacillating  with 
regard  to  both  imperial  and  domestic  troubles, 
and  only  half-heartedly  defending  his  hitherto 
faithful  cousin,  Procop.  In  hopes  of  drawing,  at 
any  rate,  some  of  the  Bavarian  princes  to  Prague, 
"Wenceslas  caused  his  Queen  Sophia  to  be  crowned 
with  the  usual  pomp  and  ceremony  in  the  cathedral, 
on  March  15th,  1400.  But  no  brother,  no  cousin, 
or  other  relative  of  the  queen  appeared  at  the 
coronation,  which  was  only  attended  by  princes 
of  the  House  of  Luxemburg  and  the  great  nobles  of 
Bohemia,  whose  hostility  even  prevented  the  pre- 
sence of  Margrave  Procop.  In  vain  did  Sigismund 
and  Jost  counsel  Wenceslas  to  enter  Germany  at 
the  head  of  an  army ;  for  with  their  usual  selfish- 
ness they  reopened  the  war  against  Procop  at  home, 
and  thus  deprived  their  brother  of  the  power  of 
availing  himself  of  the  military  resources  of  his 
realm. 

Energy  on  the  part  of  Wenceslas  and  union  in 
the  House  of  Luxemburg  might  even  now  have 
brought  the  designs  of  the  electors  to  nought, 
their  basis  being  nothing  but  selfishness  and  views 


HISTORICAL   INTRODUCTIOX. 


of  personal  aggrandizement.  All  agreeing  in  the 
wish  to  depose  Wenceslas,  they  were  equally  at 
variance  as  to  the  choice  of  a  successor.  Nay, 
to  such  a  pitch  of  discord  did  they  come,  that  the 
Elector  of  Saxony  was  suddenly  assailed  by  the 
forces  of  the  Archiepiscopal  Elector  of  Maintz, 
defeated,  and  taken  prisoner.  Duke  Frederic  of 
Brunswick,  the  favoured  candidate  and  son-in-law 
of  the  defeated  prince,  lost  his  life  in  the  conflict. 

And  now  Pope  Boniface  IX.  began  to  play  a 
double  part,  intriguing  with  the  malcontent  electors 
and  the  princes  of  their  party,  while  assuring  Wen- 
ceslas by  letter  that  "  there  was  one  thing  which 
he  desired  him  to  take  for  fixed  and  settled,  and 
that  was,  that  in  all  matters  concerning  the  position 
and  honour  of  his  highness,  he  (Boniface)  would  be 
watchful  and  attentive  with  the  unwearied  zeal  of 
paternal  tenderness,  even  unto  the  effusion  of  his 
own  blood."  The  malcontent  electors  cited  Wen- 
ceslas to  appear  on  August  10th,  at  Lahnstein,  to 
clear  himself  from  the  accusations  brought  against 
him — a  thing  w4iich,  in  the  midst  of  a  civil  war  at 
home,  it  was  impossible  for  him  to  do,  even  if  he 
had  been  willing  to  submit  to  so  unprecedented 
an  humiliation.  On  his  non-appearance  at  the 
appointed  time,  they  proceeded  formally  to  depose 
him,  in  a  large  and  splendid  assembly  at  Oberlahn- 
stein,  on  August  20th.  The  Archbishop  of  Maintz 
read  aloud  the  articles  of  accusation,  the  principal 
of  which  w^ere — (1)  That  he  had  not  done  his  duty 
as  protector  of  the  Church  by  restoring  its  i^eace ; 


36  JOHN   HUS. 


(2)  That  he  had  dimiuishecl  the  empire,  in  par- 
ticular hy  creating  Visconti  Duke  of  Milan;  (3) 
That  he  had  given  away  many  fiefs  that  had  es- 
cheated to  the  empire  in  Germany  and  Italy ;  (4) 
That  he  had  issued  documents  in  blank,  which 
were  liable  to  misuse ;  (5)  That  he  had  not  put 
a  stop  to  the  disturbances  and  feuds  of  the  empire  ; 
(6)  That  he  had  been  guilty  of  many  personal 
cruelties,  especially  towards  the  clergy ;  (7)  That 
in  spite  of  admonitions  he  had  not  troubled  him- 
self about  cither  the  Church  or  the  empire.  "  For 
these  reasons,"  he  continued,  "  the  electors  had 
agreed  to  depose  him  as  an  useless,  dilatory, 
negligent  dismemberer,  and  an  unworthy  admini- 
strator, of  the  holy  empire."  The  next  day  the 
three  archiepiscopal  electors  (Maintz,  Trier,  and 
Cologne),  paying  no  regard  to  the  three  electoral 
votes  of  Bohemia,  Saxony,  and  Brandenburg,  pro- 
ceeded to  elect  the  Elector  Palatine,  Euprecht, 
King  of  the  Bomans.  So  little  foundation  was 
there  for  most  of  the  charges  brought  against 
Wenceslas,  that  the  German  historian,  Aschbach, 
says  :  "  One  cannot  help  marvelling  how  it  came  to 
pass  that  the  Elector  of  Maintz — the  only  one  who 
attached  his  seal  to  the  instrument  of  deposition, 
although  he  professed  to  be  acting  in  the  name  of 
all  the  electors — had  the  audacity  to  lay  such 
charges  before  the  diet." 

Wenceslas  received  intelligence  of  his  deposition 
on  August  30th.  He  swore  by  St.  Wenceslas  to 
avenge  the  insult;  **  either  he,  or  Euprecht,"  he 


HISTORICAL   INTRODUCTION.  37 

said,  *'must  perish."  Margrave  Jost,  -^^lio  hap- 
pened to  be  just  then  at  Prague,  also  threatened 
vengeance,  "  or  he  wouldn't  keep  a  single  hair  in 
his  beard."  And  for  a  brief  space  the  four  sur- 
viving members  of  the  House  of  Luxemburg 
appeared  to  be  united,  soon — too  soon — to  be  dis- 
severed by  selfishness  and  greed.  Margrave  Jost 
met  the  lords  of  the  league  in  consultation  as  to 
the  measures  to  be  taken ;  Sigismund  came  from 
Hungary  to  the  neighbourhood  of  Kuttenberg ;  and 
it  seemed  as  if  the  insulted  king  was  about  to  be 
assisted  and  avenged  by  the  whole  might  of  his 
realm  and  family.  But  now  came  the  question 
of  the  price  to  be  paid  for  such  assistance.  Not 
only  was  Wenceslas  to  bear  the  entire  expenses 
of  the  war,  which,  to  his  credit,  he  was  willing 
enough  to  do ;  but  he  was  to  redress  all  the  old 
grievances  of  the  lords,  as  a  preliminary  to  any 
movement  on  their  part  in  his  favour,  and  was 
at  once  to  give  up  Silesia  and  Lusatia  to  Sigis- 
mund, and  place  in  his  hands  the  whole  govern- 
ment of  Bohemia  !  No  wonder  that  demands  so 
outrageous  excited  Wenceslas  to  anger,  and  that 
he  ordered  his  horse  and  rode  away  without  any 
leavetaking. 

It  was  unfortunate  that  Wenceslas,  in  his  em- 
bitterment,  now  allowed  himself  to  commit  acts  of 
arbitrariness  and  wilfulness,  which  in  the  long  run 
injured  himself  more  than  they  annoyed  his  adver- 
saries. Neither  did  the  anti-King  of  the  Eomans, 
Euprecht;  spare  any  pains  to  turn  the  troubles  of 


38  JOHN   HUS. 


his  opponent  to  his  own  advantage.  The  lords  of 
the  league  and  Margrave  Jost  united  with  him, 
and  even  Procop,  with  his  forty  castles,  was  found 
making  terms  with  the  enemy.  Euprecht  took 
several  castles  and  towns  belonging  to  the  Bohe- 
mian crown  outside  the  frontiers  of  Bohemia,  but 
when  his  son  Louis  attempted  an  invasion,  the 
people  soon  showed  that  they  were  not  of  the  same 
mind  as  the  nobles  ;  the  old  defensive  arrangements 
of  Bohemia  were  equal  to  the  occasion,  and  Louis 
was  compelled  to  enter  into  an  armistice  on  June 
20th,  1401.  Violence  having  thus  failed,  Euprecht 
tried  the  path  of  negotiation,  which,  however,  led  to 
nothing,  owing  to  the  extravagance  of  his  demands. 
The  Margraves  of  Meissen  now  united  their 
forces  with  those  of  the  league,  and  appeared  in 
June  before  the  walls  of  Prague,  where  they  lay 
inactive  for  six  weeks,  while  their  appearance 
where  no  foreign  troops  had  appeared  for  centuries, 
and  the  misconduct  of  their  soldiers,  excited  a 
reaction  on  behalf  of  the  betrayed  and  hard  pressed 
king.  On  August  12th,  a  treaty  was  signed,  in 
consequence  of  wdiich  the  league  reconciled  itself 
with  its  king,  and  the  Margraves  retired  to  their 
own  land.  The  king  was  henceforth  to  be  guided 
by  the  advice  of  a  kind  of  regency  of  four  persons, 
who  were  to  have  a  veto  in  various  important 
matters.  Jost  was  conciliated  by  the  grant  of 
Lusatia  for  life.  It  may  seem  strange  that  King 
Sigismund  is  not  found  taking  part  in  any  of  these 
important  matters.     But    he    had    himself    been 


HISTORICAL   INTRODUCTION.  39 

arrested  and  imprisoned  by  his  own  rebellious  sub- 
jects on  April  28th,  1401 ;  nor  was  he  liberated 
until  the  September  of  the  same  year,  after  which 
he  reconciled  himself  with  the  malcontents,  and 
regained  authority  by  prudent  concessions. 

King  Euprecht  now  began  to  busy  himself  with 
the  affairs  of  Italy,  intending  to  receive  the  imperial 
crown  after  fulfilling  to  the  Florentines  his  promise 
of  wresting  the  Duchy  of  Milan  from  the  Visconti. 
But  on  his  way  from  Trent  to  Brescia,  the  gates  of 
which  he  expected  to  be  opened  to  him,  he  was 
attacked  by  the  Milanese  army,  which  was  better 
disciplined  and  commanded,  if  not  more  numerous, 
than  his  own,  completely  defeated,  and  compelled 
to  retire  with  a  very  small  force  to  Padua.  The 
victorious  duke  immediately  sent  an  embassy  to 
Wenceslas,  urging  him  to  undertake  the  long  pro- 
jected journey  to  Eome  at  once,  and  telling  him 
that  he  need  bring  no  army  with  him  ;  nowhere 
would  he  find  braver  or  more  devoted  troops  than 
those  of  Lombardy. 

And  indeed  Wenceslas  began  to  think  seriously 
again  of  the  Eomeward  pilgrimage.  But  so  dis- 
trustful of  himself  and  of  almost  the  whole  world 
had  he  become,'  and  so  convinced  of  his  brother 
Sigismund's  intellectual  superiority  and  honesty  of 
purpose,  that  he  placed  himself  entirely  in  Sigis- 
mund's hands.  On  February  4th,  1402,  lie  actually 
resigned  to  him  the  entire  government  of  Bohemia, 
upon  condition  of  being  escorted  and  accompanied 
by  him  to  Eome  to  be  crowned  as  emperor.     Yet 


40  JOHN   HUS. 


by  March  6th  a  quarrel  had  broken  out  between 
the  brothers,  the  causes  of  which  are  unknown, 
and  Wenceslas  was  seized  by  Sigismund  in  his  own 
palace  in  the  Old  Town  of  Prague,  conveyed  to  the 
Hradschin,  and  there  detained  in  strict  imprison- 
ment, although  all  public  documents  were  still 
made  to  run  in  his  name. 

Sigismund  made  use  of  his  power  to  impose 
grinding  taxes  in  Bohemia  for  his  own  purposes, 
and  at  the  same  time  allowed  himself  to  commit 
many  arbitrary  and  cruel  acts.  This  gave  Mar- 
grave Procop  an  opportunity  to  place  himself  at  the 
head  of  those  barons  and  royal  towns  which  still 
remained  faithful  to  the  king.  A  civil  war  ap- 
peared inevitable ;  negotiations  commenced  between 
Procop  and  Euprecht,  who  had  seized  the  oj)por- 
tunity  to  return  with  as  little  loss  of  honour  as 
possible  to  Germany ;  and  there  was  every  prospect 
of  combined  operations  being  undertaken  against 
Sigismund.  But  Sigismund's  energy  and  faithless- 
ness were  equal  to  the  occasion.  He  encamped 
with  his  arm}'  under  the  lofty  castle  of  Besig,  the 
Margrave's  principal  stronghold,  and  invited  him 
to  a  conference  imder  the  protection  of  a  safe- 
conduct.  Procop  came  and  was  immediately 
arrested ;  and  now  that  his  opponents  were  with- 
out a  head,  Sigismund  easily  overbore  all  opposi- 
tion, and  in  June,  1402,  conveyed  his  illustrious 
prisoners  away.  He  gave  out  indeed  that  he  was 
escorting  his  brother  Wenceslas  to  Bome,  to  re- 
ceive the  imperial  crown  from   the  hands  of  the 


HISTOKICAL   INTRODUCTION.  41 

pope,  but  in  reality  placed  him  in  the  custody 
of  the  Dukes  of  Austria,  at  Vienna,  while  he 
himself  kept  Procop  in  strict  imprisonment  at 
Presburg. 

An  insurrection  now  arose  in  Hungary  in  favour 
of  Ladislaw,  King  of  Naples,  who  landed  in  August, 
1402,  in  Dalmatia,  with  an  army,  and  was  ere  long 
supported  by  a  legate  from  Pope  Boniface.  But 
Sigismund,  justly  considering  Bohemia  for  the 
moment  to  be  more  important  than  Hungary, 
marched  into  Bohemia,  and  compelled  the  town  of 
Kuttenberg,  the  most  resolute  and  faithful  ad- 
herent of  the  captive  king,  to  capitulate  on  very 
unfavourable  terms,  and  to  surrender  the  treasures 
of  Wenceslas  there  deposited,  amounting  in  value 
to  about  ^340,000.  In  the  summer  he  returned  to 
Hungary,  more  than  half  of  which  had  acknow- 
ledged Ladislaw,  who  was  actually  crowned  king 
on  August  5th,  1403,  by  the  Archbishop  of  Gran  at 
Zara.  But  success  everywhere  attended  Sigis- 
mund and  his  faithful  general.  Count  Stibor,  and  in 
October,  1403,  after  a  succession  of  reverses,  Ladis- 
law was  compelled  to  quit  Hungary  for  ever. 

The  apparition  of  Boniface  IX.,  whom  Sigismund 
had  always  befriended,  at  the  head  of  his  enemies, 
irritated  him  greatly,  and  he  proceeded  to  proclaim 
disobedience  towards  the  pope  with  the  selfsame 
energy  which  he  had  lately  displayed  in  all  his 
measures.  In  Bohemia  this  seed  found  soil  ready 
prepared  for  it ;  in  Hungary  the  consequences  were 
comparatively  unimportant.     Sigismund  also   ad- 


42  JOHN   HUS. 


dressed  a  letter  to  the  College  of  Cardinals,  con- 
taining the  most  grievous  accusations  against 
Boniface. 

All  this  time  Wenceslas  vras  at  Vienna,  where 
the  Dukes  of  x\ustria  allowed  him  to  hold  a  court 
and  to  ride  out  daily  in  the  town  and  in  its  en- 
virons. The  more  contented  he  appeared  with  his 
condition,  the  less  care  was  taken  in  guarding  him. 
Thus,  with  the  help  of  a  Maltese  knight,  named 
Bohus,  and  other  faithful  friends,  ho  escaped  in 
disguise  on  November  11th,  1403,  to  the  hank  of  the 
Danube,  where  a  fishing  boat  awaited  him,  which 
conveyed  him  to  Stadlau.  There  he  was  met  by 
John  of  Lichtenstein  with  fifty  armed  men,  who 
escorted  him  first  to  Nicholsburg  in  Moravia,  and 
then  to  his  faithful  Kuttenberg  in  Bohemia. 

The  first  care  of  "Wenceslas,  upon  whom  his  late 
troubles  had  produced  a  salutary  im]Dression,  was 
to  destroy  all  traces  of  his  brother's  rcfiune  in 
Bohemia,  and  to  strengihen  himself  by  alliances 
for  the  projected  war  with  Hungary  and  Austria. 
Nor  was  he  less  energetic  in  restoring  peace  and 
order  at  home.  lie  sent  the  Archbishop  of  Prague 
with  an  army  against  the  most  dangerous  of  the 
robber-knights  that  infested  the  country.  Not  one 
of  the  brigand's  castles  escaped  capture,  and  finally 
the  knight  himself  was  taken  with  fifty  of  his  men, 
tried,  and  hanged  at  Prague,  his  only  indulgence 
being  that  the  gallows  on  which  he  was  suspended 
was  loftier  than  those  of  the  rest.  A  great  impres- 
sion was  made  by  this  righteous  severity ;  nor  were 


HISTORICAL   INTRODUCTION.  43 


the  hearts  of  people  less  touched  by  the  fact  that 
Magister  John  Hus,  the  favourite  preacher  of  the 
iay,  gave  his  spiritual  assistance  to  the  criminal, 
accompanied  him  to  the  gallows,  and  brought  the 
wild  and  ferocious  robber  into  such  a  penitential 
frame  of  mind,  that  he  humbly  and  earnestly  en- 
treated the  prayers  of  the  spectators  on  his  behalf. 
Other  vigorous  measures  were  taken ;  a  lord- 
Heutenant  was  placed  with  increased  powers  at  the 
head  of  each  of  the  twelve  circles,  into  which 
Bohemia  was  divided,  and  in  1405,  internal  peace 
and  order  were  completely  restored. 

Boniface  IX.  died  on  October  1st,  1404,  and  the 
excellent  Innocent  VII.  was  elected  in  his  stead. 
He,  however,  was  unfortunately  called  away  on 
November  6th,  1406,  and  was  succeeded  by  Gregory 
XII.  War  had  been  carried  on  wdth  more  or  less 
vigour  on  the  Bohemian  and  Bavarian  frontiers 
with  the  adherents  of  the  anti-King  Euprecht,  and 
Wenceslas  now  applied  to  the  new  pope  for  recog- 
nition and  assistance.  To  his  great  annoyance 
Gregory  unexpectedly  refused  to  listen  to  him  and 
took  energetically  the  side  of  Euprecht.  Hence- 
forth Wenceslas  was  Gregory's  foe. 

After  Wenceslas's  deposition  and  imprisonment 
the  French  court  had  given  up  all  idea  of  the  com- 
promise it  had  proposed,  and  had  returned  in  1403 
to  the  obedience  of  Benedict  XIII.,  making,  how- 
ever, the  stipulation  that  Benedict  must  promise  to 
resign  his  dignity  as  soon  as  the  throne  at  Eome 
was  vacant.     One  of  the  two  rival  kings  of  the 


44  JOHN   HUS. 


Eomans,  Rupreclit,  being  devoted  to  the  Eoman 
pope,  and  the  other,  the  illegally  deposed  Wen- 
ceslas,  being  -w'ithout  influence  and  authorit}^, 
France  again  took  np  the  project  of  bringing  to 
pass  the  desired  vacancy  at  Eome.  The  elections 
of  Innocent  and  Gregory  had  been  declared  merely 
provisional;  and  the  latter  had  actually  promised 
to  resign  his  dignity,  as  soon  as  his  rival  at 
Avignon  should  consent  to  do  the  same.  France 
even  threatened  to  cease  to  recognize  either  pope, 
unless  the  desired  unity  of  the  Church  were 
attained  within  a  given  time  by  the  resignation  of 
both,  and  proved  her  sincerity  by  making  the  con- 
cession, that  the  future  pope  should  engage  to 
reside  at  Eome  and  not  at  Avignon.  A  meeting  of 
the  two  popes  at  Marseilles  was  arranged,  which 
was  duly  attended  by  Benedict,  while  Gregory 
made  use  of  every  pretext  to  avoid  performing  his 
promise,  and  refused  to  go  further  on  the  way  than 
Lucca.  The  cardinals,  however,  on  both  sides  nego- 
tiated together  in  spite  of  Gregory,  and  on  May 
11th,  1408,  Gregory's  cardinals  forsook  him,  met  on 
May  14th  at  Pisa,  under  the  protection  of  the  Flo- 
rentines, and  issued  a  manifesto  to  all  Christian 
princes  justifying  their  conduct.  Benedict  was 
also  forsaken  by  his  cardinals,  and  both  colleges, 
supported  by  France,  united  at  Leghorn  and  con- 
voked a  general  council  of  the  whole  of  Christen- 
dom at  Pisa. 

Wenceslas  took   up   the   project  of  the  French 
court — I  do  not  say  of  the  French  king,  whose 


HISTOmCAL   INTRODUCTION.  45 

mental  aberration  caused  the  affairs  of  France  to 
be  principally  conducted  by  the  Duke  of  Burgundy 
— with  zeal  and  energy,  confidently  hoping  to  be 
eventually  acknowledged  as  the  true  and  only  King 
of  the  Eomans,  and  thus  to  obtain  the  im^Derial 
dignity.  He  found,  however,  unexpected  resistance 
at  home,  both  in  the  Church  and  in  the  university, 
which  led  to  the  adoption  of  measures,  the  subse- 
quent effect  of  which  is  incalculable,  but  which  will 
be  more  properly  narrated  in  immediate  connection 
with  John  Hus.  After  much  delay  and  many  sub- 
terfuges, the  cardinals  found  themselves  compelled 
by  Euprecht's  obstinate  adherence  to  Gregory  XII. 
to  acknowledge  Wenceslas,  who  sent  his  ambassa- 
dors to  the  council  at  Pisa,  which  opened  on  March 
25th,  1409.  On  June  5th,  the  council  formally  de- 
posed both  popes  and  declared  them  schismatics, 
and  on  June  10th,  the  cardinals  bound  themselves 
by  oath  not  to  allow  the  council  to  separate  till  the 
long  wished-for  reform  of  the  Church  "  in  head 
and  members  "  should  have  been  carried  through. 
On  June  20th  the  cardinals  met  in  conclave,  and 
after  eleven  days  of  deliberation  unanimously  elected 
the  Cardinal  Archbishop  of  Milan,  Peter  Filargo  of 
Candia,  who  took  the  name  of  Alexander  V.  The 
new  pope,  disregarding  his  oath  and  the  oaths  of 
his  brother  cardinals,  immediately  proceeded  to 
disappoint  the  hopes  of  Christendom  by  exhibiting 
the  greatest  lukewarmness  in  the  cause  of  reform, 
by  convoking  a  new  council,  which  was  not  to  meet 
till  April  12th,  1412,  and  finally  by  dissolving  the 


46  JOHN  HUS. 


council  of  Pisa  on  August  7tli,  1409.  There  were 
now  therefore  three  popes,  each  of  whom  had  his 
adherents — Benedict  XIII.  being  acknowledged  in 
Spain  and  Scotland ;  Gregory  XII.  in  Naples  and 
some  of  the  smaller  states  of  Ital}^  as  well  as  in 
three  German  dioceses ;  and  Alexander  V.  by  the  rest 
of  Western  Cliristendom,  with  occasional  sporadic 
exceptions.  It  was  "Wenceslas's  dut}',  as  now  the 
more  generally  acknowledged  King  of  the  Romans, 
to  enforce  and  secure  the  unity  of  the  Church ;  but 
so  far  was  he  from  being  able  to  effect  this  desirable 
object  abroad,  that  he  could  not  even  bring  it  to  pass 
in  his  own  dominions ;  nor  was  it  till  September 
2nd,  1409,  that  Archbishop  Zbynek  of  Prague  and 
his  suffragan,  the  Bishop  of  Olmiitz,  withdrew  their 
obedience  from  Gregory  XII.  and  transferred  it  to 
Alexander  V.  On  May  30th,  1410,  Alexander  V. 
died,  and  the  wicked  Balthasar  Cossa  became  pope 
in  his  stead,  under  the  name  of  John  XXIII. 

Matters  now  became  further  complicated  instead 
of  simplified  by  the  death  of  the  anti-King  Piuprecht 
on  May  18th,  1410.  Bohemia,  Brandenburg,  and 
Saxony  had  never  acknowledged  Buprecht,  so  that 
tliey  did  not  even  entertain  the  question  of  a  vacancy 
and  new  election,  while  the  other  four  electors,  who 
formed  the  majority  of  the  college,  were  equally 
divided,  though  all  agreed  that  their  choice  must 
necessarily  fall  upon  a  prince  of  the  House  of  Lux- 
emburg. The  elector  palatine  and  the  Archbishop 
of  Trier  still  adhered  to  Gregory  XII.  and  favoured 
Sigismund,  whose  personal  inclinations  were  in  the 


HISTORICA.L   INTRODUCTION.  47 

same  direction,  while  the  Archbishops  of  Maintz 
and  Cologne  had  acknowledged  the  council  of  Pisa, 
and  had  thus  before  them  only  the  alternatives  of 
returning  to  Wenceslas  or  supporting  Jost,  the 
Margrave  of  Brandenburg.  Finding  that  a  new 
election  was  inevitable,  Wenceslas  came  to  an 
understanding  with  Jost,  and  promised  him  his  own 
vote  on  condition  that  Jost  engaged  to' acknowledge 
him  as  the  elder  King  of  the  Eomans  and  future 
emperor.  After  long  intrigues  Sigismund's  party 
took  the  initiative  by  electing  him  at  Frankfort  on 
September  30th,  1410,  with  only  three  votes,  those 
of  the  Palatinate,  Trier  and  Brandenburg,  which 
latter  was  claimed  by  Sigismund  as  well  as  Jost. 
On  October  1st,  Jost  was  elected  by  the  remainder 
of  the  votes,  including  his  own,  as  actual  possessor 
of  Brandenburg,  so  that  the  world  had  then  tlie 
edifying  spectacle,  not  only  of  three  rival  popes, 
reciprocally  anathematizing  each  other,  but  also  of 
three  rival  brothers.  Kings  of  the  Eomans,  and 
claimants  of  the  imperial  dignity.  It  is  true,  that 
the  latter  siDectacle  did  not  continue  long,  as  Jost 
died  suddenly  four  months  after  his  election,  not 
without  grave  suspicions  of  poison.  Ere  long  too, 
towards  the  end  of  June,  1411,  a  complete  reconcilia- 
tion v\"as  brought  about  between  "Wenceslas  and 
Sigismund,  Wenceslas  promising  his  vote  to  Sigis- 
mund, while  Sigismund  promised  Wenceslas  his 
assistance  towards  obtaining  the  imperial  crown. 
So  that  when  these  arrangements  were  carried  out 
—as   carried   out    they   were    by  the   unanimous 


48  JOHN   BUS. 


election  of  Sigismund,  at  Frankfort-on-the-Main, 
on  July  21st,  1411 — Sigismund,  tlie  junior  King 
of  the  Eomans,  stood  in  nearly  the  same  rela- 
tion to  Wenceslas,  as  Wenceslas  had  previously 
stood  in  to  his  father,  the  Emperor  Charles  IV. 
Sigismund,  moreover,  forsook  the  obedience  of 
Gregory  XIL,  and  acknowledged  John  XXIII.  as 
the  true  and  only  pope,  so  that  both  Kings  of  the 
Eomans  ^Yere  now  agreed  in  their  policy. 

Thus  far  it  has  been  necessary  to  j)roceed  with  a 
sketch  of  contemporary  history  to  enable  the  reader 
to  understand  the  state  of  matters  in  Europe  and 
Bohemia,  when  Hus  began  to  come  prominently 
forward.  I  have  narrated  the  earlier  part  of  the 
history  at  greater  length  and  with  greater  particu- 
larity, passing  with  more  rapid  outline  over  those 
later  portions,  which  will  be  filled  up  in  the  life  of 
Hus.  Never  was  a  period  in  which,  in  both  Church 
and  state,  iniquity,  faithlessness,  and  wickedness 
W'ere  more  rampant,  or  in  which  the  destinies  of 
mankind  were  entrusted  to  more  incompetent  and 
unworthy  hands.  No  one  rises  above  the  dull 
level  of  selfishness  and  mediocritj^  and  the  history 
of  the  period  is  a  tedious  record  of  knavery  and 
counter-knavery,  of  faithlessness  and  incapacity, 
in  which  we  look  in  vain  for  a  gleam  of  patriotism 
or  devotedness.  The  prize  of  superior  wickedness 
remained  long  in  dispute,  until  it  was  carried  off 
triumphantly  ))y  the  vicar  of  Christ  himself,  Pope 
John  XXIII. 

I  have  made  many  remarks  upon  the  low  condi- 


HISTORICAL   INTRODUCTION.  49 


tion  and  deiDravity  of  the  clergy  at  this  miserable 
epoch,  and  I  cannot  do  better  than  conclude  this 
introductory  chapter  with  the  remarkable  admis- 
sions made  by  one  of  Hus's  most  bitter  and  ener- 
getic opponents,  Magister  Andi-ew  of  Brod,  who 
concludes  his  "  Traetatus  de  Origine  Hreresis  Hussi- 
tarum,"  which  he  wrote  in  exile  at  Leipsic  in  1426, 
with  the  following  words  : — 

"In  the  clergy  there  was  no  discipline  whatever;  in  the  courts 
of  the  pontiffs  there  was  public  simony  ;  in  the  monastic  state, 
if  I  may  nse  the  term,  there  was  unbounded  covetousncss. 
And,  to  make  an  end,  there  was  no  vice  among  the  lay  people, 
which  the  clergy  had  not  practised  first  and  most  notoriously. 
There  is  nothing  therefore  for  us  to  say  but  this,  which  tlie 
Holy  Church  reads  and  chants :  All  that  Thou  hast  done  unto 
us.  Lord,  Thou  hast  done  in  righteous  judgment,  because  we 
have  sinned  against  Thee,  and  have  not  obeyed  Thy  command- 
ments." 


50  JOHN   HUS. 


CHAPTER  11. 

THE   PRECURSORS   OF   JOHN   HUS   IN   BOHEl\riA. 

It  is  a  singular  circumstance  that  the  first  person 
who  must  be  looked  upon  as  one  of  the  forerunners 
of  John  Hus  was  not  a  Bohemian  at  all,  but  an 
Austrian  naturalized  in  Bohemia.  Conrad  of 
Waldhausen,  an  Augustinian  monk,  was  ordained 
priest  in  the  year  1349,  and  spent  some  part  of 
the  following  year  at  Borne.  He  then  employed 
him.self  in  his  native  country,  especially  at  Vienna, 
in  teaching  and  in  preaching  to  the  populace. 
Having  distinguished  himself  by  his  learning  and 
eloquence,  he  was  invited  into  Bohemia  by  the 
Emperor  Charles  IV.,  through  the  mediation  of 
the  lords  of  Bosenbcrg,  and  presented  with  the 
rectory  of  Leitmeritz  on  the  Elbe.  This  was, 
apparently,  in  1359,  He  resided,  however,  quite 
as  much  at  Prague  as  at  Leitmeritz,  and  used  to 
preach  in  the  open  space  in  front  of  the  church  of 
St.  Gallus,  there  not  being  room  enough  for  his 
audience  inside  the  church.     In  1364  he  was  made 


THE  PRECURSORS   OF  JOHN   HUS  IN  BOHEMIA.  51 

rector  of  the  ''Teyn"  clmrcli  in  the  Old  Town 
of  Prague,  and  died  at  his  rectory  in  1369,  on 
Decemher  8. 

As  soon  as  he  commenced  preaching  at  Prague, 
the  churches  of  the  begging  friars  began  to  lose 
their  audiences,  and  in  a  short  time  were  entirely 
emptied.  Conrad  spared  neither  the  luxury  of  the 
laity  nor  the  vices  of  the  clergy,  and  inveighed 
with  special  vehemence  against  the  degeneracy  of 
the  begging  friars,  thereby  incurring  their  deadly 
enmit3^  He  wrote  and  preached  in  Latin  and 
German,  and  the  moral  reformation  which  he 
brought  about  among  the  German  population  at 
Prague  (where  the  Old  Town  was  mostly  German 
and  the  New  Town  Bohemian)  caused  a  still  greater 
preacher,  Milicz  of  Kremsiek,  to  arise  among  the 
Slavonians,  who  was  harder  pressed  by  calumny 
and  misrepresentation  than  Conrad  had  been. 
Yet  Conrad  was  compelled  both  to  stand  a  trial 
before  the  pope's  legate,  and  to  write  an 
"  apology "  in  defence  of  his  teaching  and 
preaching. 

A  contemporary  writer,  Benesz  Krabice  of 
Veitmil,  speaks  of  his  death  in  the  following 
terms  : — 

"  In  the  year  1369,  ou  the  Feast  of  the  Conception  of  the 
Virgin  Mary,  died  the  distinguished  preacher,  Brother  Conrad, 
canonicus  regular  is,  rector  of  St.  Mary  ante  L^tam  Curiam,  in 
the  city  of  Prague,  and  was  buried  in  the  cemetery  there.  An 
Austrian  by  birth,  a  man  of  great  learning  and  greater  eloquence, 
he  saw,  when  he  came  to  Bohemia,  all  men  given  up  to  excessive 
luxury,  and  exceeding  all  limits  in  many  respects;  and  through 


52  JOHN  HUS. 


his  preaching,  so  reformed  the  morals  of  people  in  our  country, 
that  many  put  aside  the  vanities  of  this  world  and  served  God 
with  zeal.  Among  the  many  good  things  that  this  man  did, 
was  one  especially  great  and  memorable.  The  ladies  of  Prague, 
who  had  hitherto  worn  large  and  very  magnificent  mantles,  as 
well  as  other  clothes  ornamented  in  the  most  magnificent 
manner,  put  aside  all  these  things,  and  went  daily  in  very 
humble  clothing  to  hear  the  instructions  of  this  distinguished 
teacher  and  preacher.  He  preached  also  dauntlessly  against 
usurers  and  other  unjust  possessors  of  property,  and  especially 
against  religious  persons  of  both  sexes  (i.e.  monks  and  nuns), 
who  had  been  received  into  their  Orders  through  simoniacal 
practices.  As,  in  consequence  thereof,  many  persons,  conscience- 
stricken  by  his  pious  sermons,  obtained  dispcmsations  from  the 
Holy  Apostolic  Curia,  and  others  refused  to  give  up  their  children 
to  the  Orders  with  the  stipulated  suras  of  money,  all  the  brethren 
of  the  bogging  Orders  rose  up  against  him  and  loaded  him  with 
manifold  abuse.  But  he,  a  man  of  perfect  love,  endured  it  all 
witli  equanimity  for  God's  sake.     Bequiescat  in  pace.  Amen." 

I  come  now  to  Milicz  of  Kremsier,  about  whose 
parentage  all  that  is  known  is,  that  he  was  the 
son  of  plebeian  parents  in  humble  circumstances. 
It  is  not  known  for  certain  where  he  was  educated, 
but  he  must  have  been  so  cither  in  Italj^  or,  more 
probably,  in  his  native  country.  It  could  not  have 
been  in  Germany,  or  he  would  not  have  been 
obliged  to  learn  Gorman  when  grown  up,  in  order 
to  preach,  as  Conrad  of  Waldhausen  had  done,  to 
the  German  part  of  the  population  of  Prague. 
Nothing  is  known  of  his  early  life  before  1350,  and, 
though  he  is  known  to  have  then  held  some  office 
or  other,  no  further  particulars  are  recorded. 

According  to  the  custom  of  the  times,  he,  in  all 
probability  as    a   clergyman,    held    the    post    of 


THE   PRECURSORS   OF   JOHN   HUS   IN   BOHEMIA.  53 


secretary,  first  at  the  court  of  Margrave  John  of 
Moravia,  and  then  at  that  of  the  Emperor  Charles 
IV.  Between  1360  and  1362  he  was  considered 
one  of  the  chief  officials  in  the  Imperial  Chancery. 
He  was  also  a  canon  of  the  church  of  St.  Vitus 
in  the  royal  castle  at  Prague — the  present  cathedral 
— and  an  archdeacon,  but  it  cannot  be  ascertained 
when  he  obtained  these  dignities.  Suddenly,  in 
the  autumn  of  1363,  he  resigned  all  valuable  pre- 
ferments, in  order  to  follow  the  Lord  Christ  in 
poverty  and  humility. 

Archbishop  Arnost  strove  in  vain  to  detain  him. 
"What  better  thing  can  you  do,"  he  said,  "than 
help  a  poor  archbishop  to  feed  the  flock  entrusted  to 
him  ?  "  But  Milicz  thought  otherwise,  and  replied 
that,  as  he  did  not  wish  to  sit  in  the  chief  seats, 
his  intention  was  to  try  whether  he  could  not  be 
useful  to  the  people  by  preaching  the  Word  of  God. 
The  first  place  to  which  he  betook  himself  was 
Bischof-Teinitz,  a  small  town  in  the  circle  of 
Klattau,  where  he  exercised  himself  diHgently  in 
preaching  to  the  people.  But  as  soon  as  this  mode 
of  life  began  to  be  acceptable  to  him,  and  he  found 
himself  taking,  as  he  thought,  inordinate  pleasure 
in  the  rector's  beautiful  garden,  he  saw  in  this 
simple  enjoyment  a  temptation  of  the  evil  one, 
and  returned  within  about  a  year  to  Prague,  where 
he  preached,  first  at  St.  Nicholas's  on  the  Klein- 
scite,  and  afterwards  at  St.  Giles's  in  the  Old 
Town. 

At  first  he  had  but  few  hearers,  and  even  some 


54  JOHN   HUS. 


of  these  mocked  him  inopter  incongriicntiam 
sermonis — that  is,  iu  all  probability,  on  accomit 
of  his  Moravian  pronunciation  of  the  Bohemian 
language.  Gradually,  however,  his  audience  in- 
creased in  numbers,  and  his  severe  and  cutting 
words  against  pride  and  avarice,  as  the  root  of  all 
evil,  were  soon  known  throughout  the  whole  of 
Prague.  At  length  the  desire  of  hearing  him 
became  so  general,  that  he  was  obliged  to  preach 
three  and  even  five  times  a  day  in  different  i^laces. 
He  w^as  not  only  admired  by  the  common  people, 
but  the  educated  classes  also  were  carried  away 
by  his  eloquence  ;  and  the  most  learned  Bohe- 
mian of  the  day,  Magister  Adalbert  Kankonis  de 
Ericino,  acknowledged  that  Milicz  had  brought 
together  in  a  single  hour  more  than  he  could  have 
collected  in  a  month  from  the  most  learned  authors 
for  the  composition  of  a  sermon.  "And  so  con- 
cerned was  he,"  says  one  of  his  biographers,  *'for 
the  salvation  of  the  people,  that  though  he  had 
never  made  any  progress  in  German  in  his  youth, 
7/et  now  in  his  age  he  began  with  great  zeal  to 
learn  the  German  idiom  from  his  pupil  and  others, 
and  frequently  wrote  down  in  German  the  whole 
of  the  sermon  that  ho  was  about  to  deliver,  and 
thus  at  length  he  began  to  preach  in  German." 

Through  his  zeal  against  the  moral  corruption 
of  the  times,  and  his  unceasing  study  of  the  Holy 
Scriptures,  especially  of  the  Apocalypse  and  the 
old  prophets,  the  mind  of  Milicz  became  filled 
with  extraordinary  ideas  respecting  the  latter  days, 


THE   PRECURSORS   OF   JOHN    HITS   IN   BOHEMIA.  55 


the  coming  of  Antichrist,  and  the  destruction  and 
end  of  the  ^YOl■ld.  He  placed  the  coming  of  Anti- 
christ between  the  years  1365  and  1367  ;  and  this 
notion  took  such  firm  possession  of  his  mind,  that 
in  his  oi'atory  he  spared  neither  the  spiritual  nor 
temporal  heads  of  Christendom,  and  in  1366  told 
the  Emperor  Charles  IV.  publicly  to  his  face  that 
he  was  himself  the  very  Antichrist.  The  clamour 
of  Milicz's  enemies  caused  the  Archbishop  of 
Prague,  John  Oczko  of  Wlaszim,  to  have  him 
arrested;  but  he  was  soon  liberated  again,  and 
neither  the  archbishop  nor  the  emperor  appear  to 
have  been  seriously  angry  with  him.  Becoming, 
however,  doubtful  as  to  the  correctness  of  the 
results  at  w^hich,  by  his  studies  and  calculations, 
he  had  arrived,  he  determined  to  visit  Eome,  and 
obtain  the  counsel  and  instruction  of  the  pope, 
Urban  V. 

After  the  papal  court  had  been  sixty  years  at 
Avignon,  Pope  Urban  V.,  at  the  earnest  entreaty 
of  the  Emperor  Charles  IV.,  determined  to  return 
to  Italy  and  Piome.  Milicz  was  there  before  him, 
and  w^hen  the  pope  delayed  his  coming  longer  than 
was  expected,  the  spirit  would  not  suffer  him  to 
rest  in  idleness. 

"  As  T  began,"  says  he  in  Lis  "  Libellus  de  Antichristo,"  "  to 
despair  of  tlie  arrival  of  our  lord  the  pope,  I  made  preparations 
for  undertaking  a  journey  to  Avignon.  Meanwhile  the  spirit 
moved  in  me,  so  that  I  could  not  refrain  myself,  and  said  in  my 
heart :  '  Go,  publish  openly  by  a  placard  on  the  door  of  St. 
Peter's  church,  as  thou  wast  wont  to  do  at  Prague,  when  thou 


5Q  JOHN  HUS. 


wouldst  preach  on  any  subject,  that  thou  wilt  preach  that 
Antichrist  is  come  ;  and  warn  the  clergy  and  people  to  pray 
for  our  lord  the  pope  and  our  lord  the  emperor,  that  they  may 
so  order  the  Church  in  things  spiritual  and  temporal,  that  true 
believers  may  be  able  to  serve  their  Creator  in  safety.  And 
publish  the  discourse  immediately  in  writing,  that  thy  words 
may  not  be  perverted  or  altered,  that  the  subject  may  be  made 
generally  known,  that  the  wicked  may  be  put  in  fear,  and  that 
the  good  may  become  more  zealous  servants  of  God.  But 
reserve  the  secret  portions  of  the  matter  for  thy  lord  the  pope.'" 

As  soon  as  the  placard  appeared  on  the  doors 
of  St.  Peter's,  the  Judex  Hcvreticorum  at  Eome,  a 
Dominican,  caused  Milicz  to  be  arrested  in  the 
church  itself,  and  kept  him  in  strict  imprisonment  m 
the  convent  of  the  Minorites.  He  was  then  allowed 
to  preach  before  an  assembly  of  clergy  and  other 
learned  men  at  St.  Peter's,  by  whom  his  discom-se 
was  received  with  great  approbation.  Nevertheless, 
at  its  conclusion  he  was  taken  back  to  his  prison, 
where,  however,  he  received  less  rigorous  treat- 
ment. 

But  when  Pope  Urban  came  to  Piome  in  October, 
1368,  not  only  was  Milicz  liberated  at  once,  but 
Cardinal  di  Albano  received  him  into  his  own  house, 
and  distinguished  him  by  tokens  of  honour  and 
friendship.  Nay,  his  enemies,  who  had  caused  him 
so  much  discomfort,  and  who  were  deprived  of  their 
offices  under  the  new  state  of  things,  came  to  him 
themselves  and  begged  for  his  intercession  in  their 
favour.  However,  the  idea  of  the  appearance  of 
Antichrist  seems  to  have  lost  its  hold  upon  him 
in  consequence  of  his  conferences  with  the  chief 


THE  PRECXJRSOKS   OF  JOHN  HUS   IN   BOHEMIA.  57 

dignitaries  of  the  church  :  at  any  rate,  after  his 
return  to  Prague,  it  ceased  to  be  a  prominent  sub- 
ject of  his  discourses. 

In  other  resjoects  he  preached  with  still  greater 
zeal  in  the  churches  at  Prague,  at  the  same  time 
practising  a  still  more  ascetic  mode  of  life,  and 
renouncing  everything  in  the  shape  of  pleasure 
and  enjoyment.  After  the  death  of  Conrad  of  Wald- 
hausen,  in  1369,  he  took  his  post  in  the  "  Teyn  " 
church,  and  preached  there  daily  in  German,  while 
another  clergyman  delivered  discourses  composed 
by  Milicz,  in  Bohemian,  at  St.  Giles's.  A  visible 
proof  of  the  effect  of  his  preaching  was  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  notorious  "Venice"  {Bcndtkij)  in  the 
present  "  Convikt-Gasse  "  at  Prague,  the  females 
living  in  which,  to  the  number  of  one  hundred,  did 
public  penance,  and  quitted  for  ever  that  stronghold 
of  licentiousness.  Milicz  was  not  slow  to  see  that 
it  was  his  duty  to  care  for  the  future  maintenance 
and  welfare  of  his  penitents,  and  devoted  himself 
to  the  task  with  all  the  fiery  energy  of  his  tempera- 
ment. At  the  command  of  the  Emperor  Charles  IV., 
this  ancient  domicile  of  sin  was  demolished,  and  a 
chapel  erected  on  its  site  in  honour  of  St.  Mary 
Magdalene.  Several  neighbouring  houses  were 
purchased,  and  an  ample  site  procured  for  a  house 
for  the  penitents,  and  also  for  a  residence  for  the 
young  clergy,  who  became  Milicz's  pupils  and 
assisted  him  in  the  work.  This  house,  which  was 
thenceforth  called  "  Jerusalem,"  became  ere  long 
a  refuge  for  other  fallen  persons,  so  that  this  excel- 


58  JOHN   HUS. 


lent  man  had  not  iinfrequently  from  two  hundred 
to  three  hundred  persons  to  maintain.  x\lthough 
alms  and  presents  from  all  quarters  were  sent  to 
him  for  this  purpose,  and  many  pious  ladies  took 
the  girls  thus  reformed  into  their  service,  yet 
Milicz  often  found  himself  in  such  pecuniary  em- 
barrassments, that  he  was  compelled  to  incur  debts, 
and  in  consequence  to  suffer  many  insults  from  ill- 
disposed  people.  Still,  all  that  happened  continued 
to  raise  the  esteem  in  which  he  was  held,  and  to  in- 
crease his  influence  over  the  inhabitants  of  Prague. 
The  prominence  of  Milicz  excited  the  envy  and 
hatred  of  many  of  his  brother  clergy  to  such  an 
extent,  that,  finding  they  could  effect  nothing 
against  him  either  through  the  Archbishop  Oczko 
or  through  the  emperor,  they  drew  up  an  accusa- 
tion in  twelve  articles  against  him,  which  they 
sent  to  the  court  of  Pope  Gregory  XL,  at  Avignon, 
entrusting  their  case  to  the  advocacy  of  Magister 
John  Kloukot.  This  person  delivered  the  twelve 
articles  to  the  pope,  who  by  his  statements  was 
excited  to  the  most  violent  anger,  not  only  against 
Milicz,  but  also  against  the  archbishop,  for  having 
allowed  such  errors  to  spring  up.  On  January 
10th,  1374,  bulls  were  issued,  not  only  to  the 
emperor,  the  Archbishop  of  Prague  and  the  Bishop 
of  Litomysl,  but  also  to  the  Bishops  of  Olmiitz, 
Breslau,  and  Cracow — a  proof  that  the  influence  of 
Milicz  had  penetrated  far  beyond  the  precincts  of 
Bohemia,  and  had  extended  into  Moravia,  Silesia, 
and  Poland — in  which  Gregory  complained  that  true 


THE   PRECURSORS   OF   JOHN   HUS  IN  BOHEMIA.  59 

Christianity  was  being  injared  in  those  regions  by 
Milicz ;  and  required  that  oil  that  had  been  thus 
improperly  begun  should  be  xuit  a  stop  to,  "if" — 
as  the  bull  prudently  added — "  the  fact  be  such  as 
we  have  been  informed."  The  aged  archbishop  was 
so  panic-stricken  at  this,  that  Milicz  himself  was 
obliged  to  comfort  and  encourage  him.  As  the 
Inquisitor  of  Prague  now  rose  up  armed  with  papal 
authority  to  commence  proceedings  against  him, 
Milicz  appealed  to  the  Eoman  curia,  and  w^ent 
at  once,  in  the  Lent  of  1374,  to  Avignon. 

On  his  arrival  at  the  papal  court  he  was  wel- 
comed by  his  old  ally,  Cardinal  di  Albano,  and  no 
one  ventured  to  interfere  with  him  on  account  of 
the  twelve  articles.  Nay,  when  the  cardinal  sum- 
moned Magister  Kloukot  into  his  presence,  and 
asked  him  the  reason  why  he  was  exhibiting 
articles  of  plaint  against  Milicz,  he  admitted  that 
he  knew  no  harm  whatever  of  him  himself,  but 
had  preferred  his  complaint  at  the  request  of  some 
of  the  clergy  of  Prague.  It  is  manifest  that  Milicz 
was  fully  acquitted  at  Avignon,  from  the  fact  that 
on  May  20th  he  was  allowed  to  preach  before  the 
cardinal,  who  invited  him  to  his  table  immediately 
after  the  conclusion  of  the  sermon. 

Soon  afterwards  Milicz  was  seized  mth  an 
illness  from  which  he  never  recovered.  In  certain 
expectation  of  death,  two  days  before  his  decease, 
he  dictated  two  letters,  full  of  piety  and  magnan- 
imity, one  to  the  lords  of  Piosenberg  and  the  other 
to  Cardinal  di  Albano.     He  died  at  Avignon  on  the 


60  JOHN   HUS. 


festival  of  St.  Peter,  i.e.  either  on  June  29tb,  if 
the  ordinary  festival  of  St.  Peter  be  the  day,  or  on 
August  1st,  if  it  he  the  festival  of  St.  Peter  in 
Fetters. 

In  Prague  the  intelligence  of  his  death  caused 
deep  emotion  and  great  lamentation.  The  work 
begun  by  him  in  the  "New  Jerusalem"  was  not 
continued,  and  on  December  17th,  1374,  the  house 
was  granted  by  the  emperor  to  the  Cistercian 
Order,  under  the  express  condition  that  the  Theo- 
logical Faculty  of  the  University  of  Prague  should 
be  allowed  to  jjursue  its  studies  there. 

Milicz  left  several  works  both  in  Latin  and 
Bohemian.  The  most  remarkable  of  these  appears 
to  have  been  one  in  the  Bohemian  language  :  "  Of 
the  great  torments  of  the  Holy  Church  and  of  every 
faithful  soul,  which  they  have  to  suffer  from  the 
dragon  in  the  last  days  of  Antichrist,  and  of  the 
seven  last  and  worst  wounds,  whereby  he  will 
terribly  afflict  all  the  elect  of  God,  and  how  the 
elect  of  God  ought  to  behave  in  this  affliction." 
His  book,  although  admired  and  studied  by  both 
Catholics  and  Utraquists,  was,  nevertheless,  placed 
in  the  Index  Librorum  Prohihitorum,  probably  on 
account  of  certain  passages  in  which  he  inveighed 
against  the  moral  corruption  of  the  clergy  in  some- 
what unsparing  language. 

It  was  owing  to  the  advice  and  urgency  of  Milicz 
that  Thomas  of  Stitny  commenced  that  series 
of  writings  which  formed  and  consolidated  the 
Bohemian  language,  and  thus  rendered  that  great 


THE  PRECURSORS   OF   JOHN   HUS  IN   BOHEMIA.  61 

national  movement  possible,  which  is  generally 
known  as  the  Hussite  movement,  but  which 
eventually  assumed  dimensions  far  beyond  any- 
thing that  entered  into  the  mind  of  Hus. 

Third  in  chronological  order,  but  first  in  point 
of  intellectual  importance  among  the  precursors  of 
John  Hus,  stands  Magister  Mathias  of  Janow, 
although  much  less  is  known  about  the  details  of 
his  life  than  about  that  of  Milicz.  His  writings 
too,  remarkable  and  important  as  they  are,  fell 
shortly  after  his  death  into  such  oblivion — perhaps 
owing  to  his  recantation — that  in  the  beginning 
of  the  sixteenth  century  portions  of  them,  that 
were  accidentally  discovered,  were  ascribed  to 
Hus,  and  published  along  with  Hus's  genuine 
works. 

His  father  was  Wenceslas  of  Janow,  a  poor 
Bohemian  knight,  who  was  still  living  in  the  early 
part  of  the  reign  of  the  Emperor  Charles  IV. 
Nothing  is  known  about  Mathias's  early  life,  except 
that  he  spent  some  years  at  Prague,  studying  under 
the  guidance  of  Milicz,  with  whose  spirit  and 
doctrine  he  thus  became  well  acquainted ;  and  that 
he  then  went  to  Paris,  and  spent  six  years  at  the 
university  there,  where  he  took  the  degree  of 
Master  of  Arts.  Hence  he  obtained  the  surname 
of  Magister  Parisiensis,  by  which  he  is  much 
oftener  referred  to  in  old  manuscripts  than  by  his 
own  name. 

That  in  his  younger  years,  quite  counter  to  the 
example  of  Milicz,  he  strove  hard  for  honour,  fame. 


62  JOHN   HUS. 


and  wealth,  is  acknowledged  by  himself  in  the  fol- 
lowing words : — 

"  I  confess  that  not  long  ago  I  was  plagued  and  possessed  loj 
tlie  spirit  of  Antichrist,  full  of  concupiscence  and  pestilential 
pride,  stiiving  with  great  zeal  after  riches,  after  fame,  and  the 
honours  of  this  world  ;  and  for  that  end  I  did  much,  devoted 
my  powers  and  much  expenditure  thereto,  and  competed  for 
four  benefices ;  and  now  at  this  present  moment  one  of  my 
rivals  is  in  possession  of  a  benefice  that  rightfully  belongs  to 
me.  And,  wishing  to  be  rich  in  this  world,  I  fell  deep  into  tho 
snares  of  the  devil." 

Mathias  petitioned  Pope  Urban  VI.  for  a  eanonry 
at  Prague,  and  in  the  winter  of  1380-81,  went  to 
Piome  himself  to  nrge  his  suit ;  which  indeed  in 
those  days,  when  the  pope  had  arrogated  to  him- 
self the  right  of  presentation  to  all  dignities  and 
benefices  throughout  Christendom,  was  the  shortest 
and  easiest  method  of  effecting  his  purpose.  Later, 
however,  Mathias  became  one  of  the  most  zealous 
opponents  of  the  pope's  lleservationcs  ct  Pro- 
visioncs.  He  returned  to  Prague  armed  with  a 
papal  bull,  which  he  laid  before  the  Chapter  of  the 
Cathedral  of  Prague,  and  was  on  October  12th, 
1381,  elected  a  canon  of  St.  Vitus  in  the  palace 
at  Prague,  i.e.  of  what  is  now  known  as  the  cathe- 
dral in  the  Hradschin. 

The  Archbishop  of  Prague,  John  of  Jenstein, 
assigned  him  tho  office  of  confessor  in  tbe  church 
of  St.  Vitus,  which  he  held  till  his  death,  on 
St.  Andrew's  day,  1393.  Ho  was  buried  in  the 
cathedral. 


THE   PRECURSORS   OF  JOHN   HUS   IN   BOHEMIA.  63 

His  principal  work  is  in  five  books,  entitled, 
''Eegulse,"  or  "  De  regulis  veteris  et  Novi  Testa- 
menti,"  wliicli  Dr.  Palacky  from  its  contents  would 
prefer  to  designate  "  The  Books  of  True  and  False 
Christianity."  Four  books  of  this  are  found  in  one 
MS.,  and  the  fifth  in  another,  which  is  especially 
precious,  as  having  belonged  to  the  author  himself. 
It  is  now  in  the  library  of  the  University  of 
Prague, 

Mathias  protested  most  solemnly  and  formally 
against  the  idea  of  quitting  or  in  any  Wcay  violating 
the  unity  of  the  Church. 

"I  do  uot  intend,"  he  says,  "to  say  or  write  auglit — yea,  I 
intend  not  to  say  or  write  aught — that  is  contrary  to  the  Holy 
Catholic  Church  of  Christ,  or  to  the  Christian  faith,  directly  or 
indirectly ;  that  is  in  anywise  contrary  to  the  good  customs  of 
the  church ;  or  that  can  in  anywise  offend  the  pious  ears  of  a 
faithful  Christian  man.  But  if — which  I  trust  will  not  be  the 
case — it  does  happen  that  I  say,  write,  or  think  anything 
contrary  thereto,  through  my  ignorance  or  inadvertence  or  any 
other  carelessness  or  imperfection,  which  I  know  to  be  very 
great  in  me,  I  from  the  first  revoke  and  retract  it,  begging  it  to 
be  considered  as  unsaid.  Therefore,  and  for  greater  security,  I 
submit  these,  my  words  and  writings,  as  also  myself  and  all  my 
other  actions,  to  the  correction  of  the  Holy  Catholic  Church, 
and  to  my  orthodox  fathers,  being  prepared  and  desirous  in 
every  respect  to  be  corrected,  and  by  my  pious  mother  herself 
and  my  fathers  to  be  guided  and  brought  back  and  brought 
home  (duci  et  reduci  ac  deduci)  to  the  way  of  truth  and  grace 
made  by  Jesus  Christ  in  the  Church." 

No  doubt  Magister  Mathias  did  difter  from  the 
majority  of  contemporary  theologians,  and  that 
especially  as  regards  the    question  whether  pious 


64  JOHN   HUS. 


laymen  ought  to  partake  frequently  of  the  sacra- 
ment of  the  Eucharist  or  not.  To  this  question  both 
Milicz  and  Mathias  replied  with  the  answer  "  yes," 
while  their  opponents  met  it  with  the  answer 
"  no."  Mathias  gives  the  following  account  of  the 
matter  : — 

"  It  ought  to  be  known  that  at  the  present  time  the  question 
respecting  the  daily  or  frequent  participation  of  the  body  and 
blood  of  Jesus  Christ  on  the  part  of  laymen  has  become  very 
important,  especially  among  ordinary  and  simple  people.  Some 
preachers  and  veachers  affirm  it,  and  invite  the  people  to  daily 
or  frequent  corporal  participation  in  the  sacrament  of  the  altar, 
under  the  condition  of  proper  previous  preparation  and  a  worthy 
life.  There  are  others  who  maintain  the  contrary,  and  enforce  it 
with  great  vehemence,  endeavouring  to  persuade  the  people  that 
it  is  absolutely  not  good  that  the  laity  should  be  often  fed  with 
the  body  and  blood  of  Christ." 

But  at  a  synod  of  the  archdiocese  of  Prague,  in 
1388,  the  views  of  Magister  Mathias  were  not  only 
not  accepted,  but  actually  repudiated  and  pro- 
hibited, as  we  learn  from  himself  in  a  second 
edition  of  his  first  book : — 

" Now, however," he  says,"  'the  continual  sacrifice,' as  Daniel 
calls  it,  appears  to  be  done  away  with,  since  some  men  rise  up 
in  the  Church,  and  now  not  only  oppose  it  publicly  and  in  the 
pulpit,  dissuading  the  people  of  Christ  from  frequent  com- 
munion by  their  discourses,  though  they  cannot  do  so  by  the 
words  of  Scripture,  but  have  also  publicly  by  the  voice  of  the 
crier  and  solemnly  declared  their  disapproval  of  the  Christian 
people  daily  and  frequently  receiving  the  body  and  blood  of 
Christ,  laying  it  down  of  their  own  ordinary  authority  as  a  law 
of  Christ,  that  no  clergym_en,  not  a  priest,  and  no  lay  person, 
however  Avorthy,  shall  be  allowed  to  receive  the  pacrament  of 


THE   PHECURSORS  OF  JOHN  HUS   IN    BOHEMIA.  C5 

the  altar  oftener  than  monthly,  or  once  in  four  weeks.  Moreover, 
the  sacrifice  appears  to  be  put  a  stop  to  at  one  blow,  for  in 
accordance  with  resolutions  of  many  learned  men  and  priests, 
and  with  the  consent  of  the  archbishop  and  dignitaries,  this 
prohibition  has  been  solemnly  and  publicly  proclaimed  in  the 
synod  of  the  clergy  and  in  the  assembly  of  the  people,  to  wit, 
that  the  inferior  clergy  and  the  laity  in  the  Christian  congrega- 
tion are  in  no  wise  to  be  invited  to  daily  or  frequent  partici- 
pation in  the  sacrament.  This,  however,  hath  been  done,  and 
people  have  seen  it  with  their  own  eyes,  in  the  year  of  the 
Lord  1388,  in  the  month  of  October,  on  the  day  of  the  Evange- 
list Luke.  Therefore,  immediately  thereupon,  those  preachers 
and  priests  who  were  in  the  habit  of  administering  the  sacra- 
ment of  the  body  of  Christ  daily  or  frequently  to  holy  and 
pious  lay  people  of  both  sexes,  had  very  much  to  endure  in 
public  and  before  the  eyes  of  all,  not  only  from  ordinary  people, 
but  also  on  the  part  of  the  church  and  the  dignitaries,  and  that 
merely  and  solely  because  they  invited  and  admonished  holy- 
living  people  to  frequent  communion." 

It  is  unfortunate  that  the  acts  of  this  sj-nod  of 
1388  have  never  heen  fouud.  They  would  in  all 
prohability  have  decided  the  question  so  frequently 
contested  since  1433,  whether  or  no  Mathias  of 
Janow  was  the  first  person  in  Bohemia  who  recom- 
mended communion  in  both  kinds  for  the  laity. 
The  affirmative  was  maintained  before  the  council 
of  Basel,  in  1433,  by  Magister  John  of  Piokycan, 
and  his  opx^onents  did  not  traverse  his  assertion, 
but  simply  rex)lied  that,  if  Mathias  had  begun  to 
preach  that  innovation,  or  even  to  administer  the 
communion  in  that  manner  himself,  his  doctrine, 
or  rather  practice,  made  no  progress,  for  in  the 
synod  at  Prague,  in  1389,  he  was  obliged  to  desist, 


66  JOHN   HUS. 


and  recant  his  opinions.  It  is  true  that  Mathias 
uses  the  terms  "  sacrament  of  the  body  and  blood  " 
and  "sacrament  of  the  body"  of  the  Lord  quite 
indifferently,  as  in  the  passage  above  quoted ;  but 
I  have  not  been  able  to  discover  a  particle  of 
evidence  of  ijractical  Utraquism  in  Bohemia  before 
the  custom  was  revived  upon  purely  scriptural 
ground  by  Magister  Jacobellus,  after  Hus's  de- 
parture for  Constance. 

The  recantation  just  alluded  to  is  a  recent 
discovery,  and  appears  for  the  first  time  in  print 
in  Palacky's  "Documenta,"  p.  699.  I  translate  it 
literally  in  full : — 

"  Know  all  faithful  people,  that  I,  M.  Mathias,  have  preached 
some  things  not  so  rightly,  cautiously,  and  prudently  as  was 
due  and  convenient ;  whereby  I  either  have  been  or  niight 
have  been  to  some  a  cause  or  occasion  of  error  or  scandal. 
Therefore,  to  remove  those  things,  and  that  the  truth  may  not 
be  concealed,  and  that  the  faithful  may  know  what  they  ought 
to  believe  or  hold  in  these  matters — 

"  (1 )  I  say,  firstly,  that  the  images  of  Christ  and  the  saints 
do  not  give  cause  or  occasion  for  idolatry  ;  neither  on  account 
of  abuse  on  the  part  of  any  one  soever  ought  they  to  be  burned 
or  destroyed. 

"  (2)  Secondly,  that  according  to  the  institution  and  custom 
of  Holy  Mother  Church,  images  ought  to  be  adored  and  vene- 
rated to  the  honour  of  those  whom  they  represent,  and  I  do 
myself  adore  and  venerate  them  and  desire  them  to  be  vene- 
rated, and  that  it  is  fit  and  just  according  to  me  to  kneel  down 
and  fasten  up  lighted  candles  before  images;  and  that  the 
miracles  performed  on  those  who  are  venerating  images  are 
piously  to  be  believed  performed  by  divine  power;  and  if  I 
have  said  the  contrary  of  any  of  these  things,  I  have  not  said 


THE  PRECURSORS   OF  JOHN   HUS   IN   BOHEMIA.  67 

it  rightly,  aud  being  now  better  informed,  I  will  not  hold  or 
say  it  any  more. 

"  (3)  Item,  as  regards  the  saints  on  their  way  and  in  their 
fatherland"  (i.e.,  on  earth  and  in  heaven),  *' I  hold  this,  and 
affirm  that  it  ought  to  be  held,  that  the  saints  in  heaven, 
and  their  bodies  and  bones,  and  also  other  sanctified  things,  as 
the  garments  and  ornaments  of  Christ,  of  the  blessed  Virgin, 
and  of  the  saints,  ought  to  be  venerated  here  on  earth;  and 
that  the  saints  themselves  in  heaven  are  and  can  be  of  more 
avail  to  us  by  their  intercession  than  the  saints  living  on  earth. 
And  if  any  one,  owing  to  my  words,  should  believe  the  contrary 
of  any  of  the  things  aforesaid,  he  would  be  in  error,  and  so 
would  any  one  who  should  lead  or  have  led  him  into  such  an 
error. 

"  (4)  Item,  I  affirm  and  believe  that  a  man  by  worthily 
receiving  the  body  of  Christ  becomes  a  mystical  member  of 
Christ ;  and  that  it  must  not  be  said  on  that  account,  that  the 
hand,  foot,  or  eye,  or  any  member  whatsoever  of  a  man,  becomes 
the  hand,  foot,  or  eye,  or  other  mystical  member  of  Christ. 
And  if  I  have  said  anything  of  a  tenour  contrary  hereto,  I  do 
not  hold  it,  and  I  affirm  that  it  ought  not  to  be  held. 

"  (5)  Item,  I  afiirm  that  people,  and  especially  lay  people, 
ought  not  to  be  led  or  exhorted  to  a  daily  communion  of  the 
Lord's  Sacrament.  Item,  that  not  every  incipient  penitent 
ought  presently  to  be  led  to  approach  the  Holy  Communion. 
Item,  that  not  every  one  ought  indifferently  to  be  admitted  to 
daily  communion  of  the  body  of  Christ.  And  if  I  have  done  or 
said  the  contrary  of  any  of  these  things,  I  will  not  do  or  say  it 
ior  the  future,  but  rather  avoid  it." 

His  sentence  was  :  ''Let  him  be  susiDended  from 
preaching  and  hearing  confessions  and  administer- 
ing the  Eucharist,  except  in  his  own  parish  church, 
for  half  a  year." 

Another  priest,  named  Jacob,  was  at  the  same 
time  suspended  for  ten  years  for  "showing  a  fig" 


68  JOHN   HUS. 


(i.e.  putting  his  thumb  between  his  fore  and 
middle,  fingers)  to  an  image  of  the  Virgin  Mary, 
and  expressing  a  wish  to  boil  peas  with  such  an 
image  and  others  like  it. 

But  the  significance  of  Mathias  as  a  precursor  of 
Hus  will  not  be  properly  apparent  unless  attention 
is  directed  to  a  few  more  extracts  from  his  very 
remarkable  writings,  especially  from  his  work 
"  De  Eegulis."     In  the  preface  to  this  he  says  :  — 

"  I  have  written  these  books  fi'om  love  and  devotion  to  the 
blessed  and  super-celestial  sacrament  of  the  body  and  blood  of 
Jesus  Christ,  if  haply  I  might  be  able  to  advance  its  honour 
and  glory,  and  the  love  of  the  people  of  modern  days,  and  a 
I'aithful  desire  to  venei-ate  it  more  and  enjoy  it  worthily,  in  such 
manner  and  to  such  end  as  it  was  itself  prejmred  by  Christ 
Jesus,  and  distributed  and  given  to  the  beloved  church  of  the 
saints  of  God.  Neither  would  I  under  the  bushel  of  my  own 
laziness  and  carelessness  conceal  things  which,  as  a  diligent 
searcher  of  the  Scriptures  from  my  youth  upwards,  I  have  by 
and  with  Christ  Jesus  gathered  from  books  and  received  from 
the  illumination  of  that  same  most  faithful  crucified  Jesus,  who 
sweetly  illuminateth  every  man  that  cometh  into  this  world. 
Wherefore  in  these  my  writings  I  have  througliout  made  most 
use  of  the  Bible  and  its  actual  manuscripts,  and  but  little  of  the 
sayings  of  the  doctors ;  both  because  the  Bible  occurs  to  me 
promptly  and  abundantly  for  writing  on  every  matter  of  con- 
sideration and  every  subject,  and  because  out  of  it  and  through 
its  most  divine  verities,  which  are  clear  and  self-evident,  all 
opinions  are  more  solidly  confirmed,  are  founded  with  greater 
acuteness,  and  are  meditated  on  more  usefully ;  and  because  it 
is  that  which  I  have  loved  from  my  youth  up,  and  have  named 
my  beloved  friend  and  spouse,  yea,  the  mother  of  beauteous 
affection  and  knowledge  and  fear  and  holy  hope.  And  as  soon 
as  I  found  the  blessed  Augustine,  in  his  book  "  De  Doctriua 
Christiana,"  and  Jerome,  saying  that  the  study  of  the  texts  of 


THE   PRECURSORS   OF   JOHN   HUS   IN   BOHEMIA.  69 


the  most  holy  Bible  is  in  the  beginning  and  in  the  end  above  all 
things  necessary  and  useful  to  one  desiring  to  attain  to  know- 
ledge of  theological  truth,  and  is  and  ought  to  be  the  funda- 
mental thing  to  every  well-instructed  Christian,  ere  long  my 
mind  became  attached  to  the  Bible  in  perpetual  love.  And  here 
I  confess  that  from  my  youth  it  has  not  departed  from  me,  even 
unto  age  and  unto  old  age,  neither  in  my  path  nor  in  my  home, 
nor  when  I  was  busy  nor  when  I  was  at  leisure ;  and  in  every 
doubt  of  mind,  in  every  question,  I  always  found  in  and  through 
the  Bible  satisfactory  and  lucid  explanation  and  consolation  for 
my  soul ;  and  in  all  my  trouble,  persecution,  and  sadness,  I 
always  fled  for  refuge  to  the  Bible,  which,  as  I  have  said,  is  my 
dearest  friend,  and  always  walks  with  me.  And  it  has  always 
met  me  as  an  honoured  mother,  and  as  a  wife  married  from  a 
virgin  has  Avelcomed  me,  and  according  to  the  multitude  of 
cares  in  my  heart  its  consolations  have  rejoiced  my  soul.  0  how 
sweetly  then,  in  proportion  to  my  capacity  and  measure,  did  it 
feed  me  on  every  occasion  with  the  bread  of  life  and  under- 
standing !  and  dispersing  the  darkness  in  which  I  was  fluctuat- 
ing, how  usefully  did  it  give  me  to  drink  of  the  water  of 
salutary  wisdom !  Wherefore,  when  I  saw  very  many  carrying 
always  and  ev^erywhere  with  them  the  relics  and  bones  of  divers 
saints,  I  chose  for  myself  the  Bible,  my  chosen  one,  as  the  com- 
panion of  my  travel,  to  carry  always  with  me,  and  to  be  ever  at 
my  side  in  readiness  for  my  defence  and  continual  consolation 
even  in  adversit3^" 

With  regard  to  the  schism  between  the  Greek 
and  Latin  Churches,  and  that  in  the  Roman 
Cliiirch  between  the  two  antipopes  and  their 
followers,  Mathias  says  : — 

"  Understand  the  proverb  by  those  things  that  are  seen  at  the 
present  day,  to  wit,  that  the  great  city  of  the  world  of  Christians 
is  in  fact  rent  into  three  parts — i.e.  that  of  the  Romans  towards 
the  south,  that  of  the  Greeks  towards  the  east,  and  that  of  the 
French  towards  the  west.    Of  whom  the  Eomans  say,  '  Here  is 


70  JOHN   HUS. 


the  church  and  here  is  Christ ; '  the  French  say,  '  Not  so  ;  we 
are  the  church  and  here  is  Christ ; '  and  the  Greeks  say,  per- 
tinaciously, '  Ye  lie,  both  of  you  ;  we  are  the  church  and  here 
is  Christ.'  Lo  !  to  the  letter  is  fulfilled  the  gospel  above  quoted, 
wherein  it  is  said,  '  In  those  days  it  shall  be  said  xmto  you, 
Lo !  here  is  Christ,  or  lo !  there.'  Lo !  the  darkened  condition 
of  the  sun  and  moon,  so  that  even  the  city  set  upon  a  hill  is 
concealed  and  clouded  over,  so  that  it  cannot  be  seen !  So  that 
out  of  an  infinite  multitude  of  Christians  there  cannot  easily  be 
found  any  who  can  be  quite  certain  where  the  only  true  church 
of  God  is,  and  who  can  venture  to  show  and  consistently  to 
point  out  to  all  inquirers  where  out  of  these  three  the  church  is, 
and  where  Christ  is.  This  I  do  not  say  with  regard  to  all ;  for 
there  are  some  who  do  know  where  Christ  and  His  body  are,  of 
whom  it  is  written,  *  Wheresoever  the  body  is,  there  will  the 
eagles  be  gathered  together.'  And  I  believe  that  Christ  is  in 
that  portion  .which  has  joined  the  Eomans;  but  what  I  say 
here,  I  speak  comparatively,  with  regard  to  the  whole  multitude 
of  those  who  were  formerly  called  Cliristians.  I  speak  also  by 
way  of  comparison  with  the  certainty  of  the  primitive  church 
of  the  saints,  in  which  it  was  notorious  where  the  church  was 
and  where  Christ  was.  But  now  nowhere  is  there  so  great  a 
certainty  of  the  existence  of  Jesus  Christ  evident  in  these  por- 
tions, as  for  any  one  boldly  to  offer  himself  to  die  for  Him. 
Foxes  therefore  have  holes,  and  the  birds  of  the  air  have  nests, 
but  the  Son  of  man — i.e.  the  true  Christian,  the  son  of  our 
Lord  Jesus  Christ — hath  not  where  to  lay  his  head  ;  i.e.  where 
to  flee  safely  for  refuge,  and  where  to  be  strengthened  and  pro- 
tected from  demons  and  from  hypocrites,  but  is  persecuted  on 
all  sides  and  perplexed  by  sins  in  the  present  exceeding  tribu- 
lation. For  lo !  all  are,  as  it  were,  friends  of  Jesus  Christ  in 
word  and  tongue,  but  in  deed  and  in  life  almost  all  are  His 
enemies :  all  are  corporeally  members  of  His  household,  but 
almost  all  are  strangers  in  work  and  will.  If  thou  pourest  out 
thy  soul  to  any  one  in  warm  feeling  and  words,  as  if  wishing  to 
find  the  crucified  Jesus,  thou  wilt  depart  from  him  embittered 
in  mind,  finding  in  thyself  that  thou  hast  there  lost  the  grace  of 


THE  PRECUKSOES   OF  JOHN   HUS   IN   BOHEMIA.  71 

Jesus  Christ,  and  thy  toil  and  fine  words  as  well.  Thus  neither 
wilt  thou  venture  openly  and  solemnly  to  profess  Christ  cruci- 
fied, because  then  thou  wilt  without  moderation  be  treated  as  a 
heretic,  and  wilt  not  depart  unreviled  or  unspat  upon ;  and  then 
by  experience  thou  wilt  feel  this  exceeding  great  tribulation  and 
most  bitter  bitterness  of  all  faithful  bodies,  consciences,  and  souls 
in  Jesus." 

On  the  subject  of  the  images  of  the  saints  and 
their  veneration,  Mathias  uses  language  which 
he  was  compelled  to  withdi'aw  in  the  recantation 
given  above.  His  words  are,  however,  too  striking 
to  be  omitted.     They  run  as  follows  : — 

"  Alas !  at  the  present  day  certain  colleges,  and  a  multitude 
of  those  who  call  themselves  masters  of  the  church  and  wise 
men,  have  established  decrees  in  the  church  of  God,  to  the 
effect  that  statues  of  wood  and  stone,  of  silver  and  other  like 
materials,  ought  to  be  adored  and  worshipped  by  Christians— 
whereas  holy  Scripture  saith  openly  and  expressly,  'Thou 
shalt  not  adore  them  nor  worship  them' — a  thing  which  can  in 
no  wise  be  maintained  or  defended  by  the  assertion  of  Thomas 
of  Aquinum  and  other  doctors ;  and  the  holy  church,  although 
she  hath  allowed  images  and  statues,  and  teaches  that  they 
ought  to  be  Jwnoured  and  venerated,  yet  hath  never  taught  or 
laid  it  down  that  they  are  to  be  adored  or  worshipped,  as  is 
manifest  in  the  corjms  [juris]  in  the  faculty  of  the  jurists. 
They  have  decreed,  moreover,  that  they  ought  to  be  prayed  to 
(deprecandce.) ,  which  is,  in  the  Bohemian  tongue,  modliti  se, 
and  thus  have  taught  the  people  with  collegiate  authority  that 
the  people  are  to  pray  to  images  (ahy  se  ohrazom  lide  modlili). 
They  have  decreed,  moreover,  and  in  synod  (1388)  commanded 
it  to  be  preached  to  the  people,  that  the  people  ought  piously  to 
believe  that  the  virtue  of  God  and  His  saints  is  in  painted 
statues  of  stone  or  wood,  and  therefore  that  the  miracles,  which 
appear  or  are  reported  to  be  performed  there,  are  wrought  by 
God  through  and  owing  to  these  images ;   and  therefore  whoso- 


TZ  JOHN   HUS. 


ever  believes  this,  or  puts  confidence  in  such  a  statue,  and  flee^ 
for  refuge  to  the  statue,  doth  in  no  wise  ill — nay,  neither  ought 
simple  people  to  be  corrected  or  chidden  for  betaking  themselves 
to  statues  in  time  of  their  need,  or  to  relics  of  saints  or  such 
other  dead  things  without  merit  or  virtue.  They  have,  more- 
over, enacted  that  sermons  must  not  be  preached  against  the 
abuse  of  statues  or  relics,  saying  that  in  such  things  it  doth  not 
come  to  pass  that  the  Christian  people  erreth.  But  who  will 
not  understand  how  pernicious  these  things  are  to  the  unin- 
structed  and  carnal  Christian  people,  if  he  considers  that  the 
modern  lay  people,  not  having  the  spirit  of  the  Lord  Jesus,  can 
in  no  wise  ascend  mentally  to  spiritual  things,  but  being  merely 
carried  away  by  carnal  judgment  and  imagination,  only  appre- 
ciates corpoi'al  things,  and  gapes  and  fears  before  them,  pouring 
itself  out  wholly  to  them  ?  " 

On  the  subject  of  Church  reform,  as  regards 
superfluous  rites  and  ceremonies,  etc.,  the  words 
of  Ma.thias  are  so  similar  to  those  of  the  preface 
to  the  Common  Prayer-Book  of  the  Church  of 
England  that  I  cannot  resist  the  temptation  to 
quote  one  other  passage  at  length. 

"  The  Lord  Jesus,"  he  says,  "did  not  give  any  written  law  to 
His  followers,  although  He  might  have  done  this  in  His  lifetime 
in  many  ways,  but  merely  placed  His  own  good  Spirit  and  the 
Spirit  of  His  Father  in  the  hearts  of  believers  for  a  living  and 
perfect  law,  and  a  generally  sufficient  rule  of  life,  according  to 
what  has  been  proved  above,  and  according  to  the  Scriptures  and 
prophets.  Wherefore  also  His  apostles,  desiring  not  to  burthen 
the  people  believing  in  Jesus  with  various  doctrines,  inventions, 
and  precepts,  wrote  few  things,  commanded  still  fewer,  and  con- 
firmed unshakably  by  statutes  fewest  of  all.  It  is  manifest 
in  the  15th  chapter  ot  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  how  the  beloved 
fathers  and  apostles  of  Christ  desired  their  fellow-Christians  to 
be  to  a  great  extent  free,  and  not  tied  to  a  multitude  of  precepts. 


THE   PRECURSOES   OF   JOHN   HUS   IN  BOHEMIA.  73 

Whence  it  appears  that  those  later  persons  have  acted  and  stiil 
act  cruelly  and  barbarously,  who  have  introduced  and  authori- 
tatively confirmed  their  numerous  inventions,  various  doctrines, 
and  rigid  commands  in  the  family  of  God  and  the  Lord  Jesus, 
binding  and  burthening  their  subjects  overmuch,  so  that  there 
is  such  a  multiplicity  and  so  infinite  a  multitude  of  such  doc- 
trines and  inventions  and  commandments  of  men,  that,  as  was 
said  a  little  before,  they  have  filled  many  books,  and  those  very 
large  and  costly  ones,  which  no  one  hardly  but  a  rich  man  could 
procure,  nor  even  if  he  devoted  himself  to  them  throughout  the 
whole  of  his  life,  could  he  sufficiently  read  and  beneficially 
digest  them.  And  yet  they  will  have  it  that  the  Christian  people 
are  bound  to  all  those  things  that  are  therein  contained,  all 
which  things,  as  hath  been  said,  they  are  unable  to  perform, 
nay,  even  to  learn  or  fully  to  remember.  Wherefore  I  have 
concluded  in  my  own  mind,  that,  for  the  purpose  of  renewing 
peace  and  union  in  the  general  body  of  Christians,  it  is  expedient 
to  root  out  all  that  plantation  and  curtail  again  the  word  upon 
the  earth,  and  bring  back  the  church  of  Christ  Jesus  to  its 
salutary  and  compendious  beginnings,  retaining  proportionately 
few,  and  those  apostolic,  commandments.  For,  in  the  presence 
of  my  crucified  Lord  Jesus,  I  think  that  the  law  of  the  Holy 
Spirit  and  the  gospel,  copied  and  circulated,  and  the  ordinary 
fathers  of  the  lay  people — as  the  pope,  the  bishops,  the  jmrsons, 
and  their  assistants — are  quite  sufficient  for  lawfully  guiding 
the  whole  community  of  people  and  every  individual  man  of  the 
community.  The  above-mentioned  things  are,  I  say,  sufficient 
for  resolving  every  question  and  determining  every  case  in  the 
court  of  conscience  and  in  the  court  of  justice,  with  the 
addition  to  the  aforesaid  of  the  Scriptures  of  the  Old  and  New 
Testaments." 

"VYell  might  Sigismund,  king  of  the  Eomans  and 
afterwards  emperor,  tell  the  assembled  fathers  at 
Constance  that  the  "  sect,"  of  which  Hns  was 
then  the  immediate  leader  and  exponent,  was  no 


74  JOHN   HUS. 


new  thing,  but  liad  taken  its  origin  in  his  own 
early  youth  !  Well,  too,  might  Augustus  Neander, 
fresh  from  the  perusal  of  the  MS.  of  Mathias 
of  Janow,  make  the  unexpected  statement  before 
the  Academy  of  Sciences  at  Berlin,  on  August  13, 
1847,  that  "  the  study  of  the  writings  of  Mathias 
of  Janow,  if  one  goes  directly  from  them  to  that  of 
the  works  of  Hus,  shows  us  that  already,  quite 
independently  of  Wycliffe,  a  reaction  against  the 
hierarchy  in  Bohemia,  proceeding  immediately  from 
the  religious  interest,  and  from  sympathy  with 
the  religious  wants  and  requirements  of  the  people, 
had  formed  itself;  a  reaction  which,  although  it 
still  attached  itself  to  the  dominant  ecclesiastical 
system,  was  yet  already  based  upon  the  principle 
of  the  German  lieformation,  reference  to  Christ 
alone,  and  His  Word  in  Holy  Scripture  !  " 


(    75    ) 


CHAPTER  III, 

JOHN    HUS;    FROM   HIS    BIETH    TO    HIS   BREACH    WITH 
ARCHBISHOP    ZBYNEK. 

John  of  Husinetz,  commonly  called  John  Hus,  i.e. 
John  Goose,  was  Lorn  on  July  6th,  1369,  in  the 
little  town  of  Husinetz,  in  the  south  of  Bohemia. 
The  house  in  which  he  was  born  is  still  standing, 
and  has  been  carefully  restored  by  the  subscriptions 
of  patriotic  Bohemians.  His  parents  were  poor, 
and  it  appears  from  a  Latin  letter  addressed  to 
Magister  Martin,  "his  pupil  and  dearest  brother  in 
Chrtst,"  from  Constance,  in  which  he  recommends 
not  only  his  nephews,  but  also  his  brother  to  his 
care,  bidding  him  "  do  to  them  as  thou  knowest," 
that  he  was  not  an  only  son.  When  he  grew  out 
of  boyhood,  he  betook  himself  to  the  schools  at 
Prague,  where  he  maintained  himself  like  other 
poor  scholars,  by  chanting  and  performing  other 
subordinate  services  in  the  churches.  He  alludes 
to  his  mode  of  life  in  several  passages  of  his 
Bohemian   works.     In  a   singular  passage  on  the 


76  JOHN   HUS. 


subject  of  wicked  women,  who  endeavour  to  seduce 
others  into  sin,  he  says :  "  These  are  the  devil's 
spoons,  by  means  of  which  he  devours  others,  but 
when  he  has  done  devouring  others  with  the  spoon, 
he  eats  the  spoon  also.  As,  when  I  was  a  poor 
scholar,  I  used  to  make  a  spoon  of  a  piece  of  bread 
till  I  had  done  eating  my  pease-porridge,  and  then 
I  ate  the  spoon."  He  also  deplores  having  taken 
part,  as  a  "mask,"  in  the  blasphemous  ceremonies 
of  the  "Boy  Bishop,"  and  regrets  the  careless 
manner  in  which — the  choir  apparently  being 
found  by  contract — he  had  been  accustomed  to 
chant  the  services.  "When  I,"  says  he,  "was 
a  scholar  and  sang  vigils  along  with  others,  we 
merely  sang  sufficient  to  get  through  the  business ; 
for  others  took  the  money  and  did  the  harrowing 
and  ploughing  through  us."  It  was  always  his 
idea  to  enter  into  the  clerical  profession,  though 
he  acknowledges  he  had  no  higher  thought  in  so 
doing  than  that  of  obtaining  a  comfortable  mainte- 
nance. After  passing  through  the  inferior  schools 
he  entered  the  high  school  or  university  in  the 
Faculty  of  Arts.  When  he  was  about  twenty-four 
years  old  (1393),  the  celebrated  jubilee  or  year 
of  indulgence  was  proclaimed  at  Prague,  and  the 
student  John  of  Husinetz  performed,  like  others, 
the  pilgrimages  from  church  to  church  and  the 
duty  of  confession  at  St.  Peter's  on  the  Vyssegrad. 
In  order  to  obtain  full  absolution,  he  was  obliged  to 
part  with  the  only  four  groschen  that  he  possessed, 
and  was  consequently  reduced  to  a  meal  of  dry  bread. 


HUS  IN   FAVOUR  WITH   THE  AUTHORITIES.       77 

In  the  September  of  the  same  year,  he  took  the 
degree  of  Bachelor  of  Arts,  and  in  January,  1396, 
that  of  Master  of  Ai-ts.  Soon  afterwards  he  also 
probably  took  that  of  Bachelor  in  Divinity ;  but 
the  ti)-st  certain  mention  of  him  as  a  Bachelor  in 
Divinity  is  not  earlier  than  1404.  As  a  young 
magister,  he  must  have  devoted  himself  to  lecturing 
in  the  university,  or  we  should  not  find  him  towards 
the  end  of  1398  appointed  examiner  at  the  quarterly 
examination  for  the  B.x\.  degree,  and  afterwards 
frequently  holding  other  appointments  in  the 
Faculty  of  Arts.  Becoming  a  prominent  member 
of  the  university,  he  was  on  St.  Gallus'  day 
(Oct.  15th),  1401,  elected  Dean  of  the  Faculty  of  Arts, 
for  the  half-year  ending  on  St.  George's  day  (April 
22nd),  1402.  He  became  rector  of  the  university  for 
the  first  time  on  April  1,  1403.  There  is  little 
doubt  that  he  was  ordained  priest  some  time  in 
1400,  although  the  "  liber  ordinationum  "  does  not 
contain  his  name.  But  he  states  himself,  in  answer 
to  a  charge  brought  against  him  at  Constance,  that 
he  was  not  a  priest  at  all  in  1399,  while  it  is 
certain  that  be  was  a  preacher  in  1401.  Writing 
to  the  people  of  Prague  in  1412,  he  says,  that 
he  had  then  laboured  twelve  years  among  them, 
and  in  the  Latin  treatise  "  On  the  Body  and  Blood 
of  the  Lord,"  which  he  composed  at  Constance  in 
1415,  he  states  that  he  wrote  his  first  treatise  on 
the  subject  in  the  first  year  of  his  priesthood  and 
preaching,  which  was,  he  thought,  the  year  of  the 
Lord  1401. 


78  JOHN  HUS. 


Thus  far  he  api^ears  to  have  had  no  higher  aim  or 
object  in  life,  but  to  have  lived  like  other  magisters 
in  the  university'.  He  took  especial  pleasure  in  the 
robes  appertaining  to  the  magister's  degree,  the 
so-called  "  tabard,"  the  gown  with  "  wings "  or 
long  sleeves,  and  the  cap  trimmed  with  crimson. 
Neither  had  he  any  objection  to  the  banquets  and 
other  festive  gatherings  in  which  the  magisters  of 
the  day  took  great  delight.  He  was  also  an  en- 
thusiastic chess-player.  But  after  his  ordination 
to  the  priesthood  he  began  to  withdraw  himself 
from  the  vanities  of  the  world,  and  to  comprehend 
in  its  fulness  the  high  calling  of  his  iDosition.  He 
applied  himself  especially  to  the  duties  of  the 
pulpit,  endeavouring,  like  his  precursors,  Milicz, 
and  Mathias,  to  educate  his  hearers  in  the  truths 
of  Christianity,  and  awaken  them  to  a  life  of 
virtue.  Though  he  could  only  have  had  the 
slightest  personal  Imowledge  of  either  Mathias  or 
Stitny,  yet  their  writings  must  have  been  well 
known  to  him  and  must  have  assisted  him  in  his 
preparations  for  the  pulpit.  iNor  is  there  any 
doubt  that  he  attached  himself  from  the  first  to 
the  party  of  those  ecclesiastics  who  arrayed  them- 
selves against  the  abuses  then  dominant  among 
the  clergy. 

The  first  chm-ch  in  v.'hich  Hus  performed  the 
duties  of  a  preacher  was  that  of  St.  Michael  iu 
the  old  town  of  Prague,  the  incumbent  of  which 
was  Bernard,  a  monk  from  the  monastery  of 
Zderaz,   who   was   a   man   decidedly   opposed    to 


HUS  IN   FAVOUR  WITH  THE  AUTHORITIES.       79 

reform  in  the  Church,  and  is  designated  by  Hus 
in  one  of  his  Latin  letters  as  '"a  very  great  enemy 
of  the  Word  of  God."  It  would  appear,  however, 
that  this  difference  of  opinion  did  not  prevent 
friendly  after-dinner  conversations  at  the  parson- 
age, in  which  matters  of  religion  and  Church  govern- 
ment were  frequently  discussed.  Hus  was  also 
intimate  with  Wenceslas  the  cup-maker,  a  well- 
known  citizen  of  Prague.  At  his  house  one  day 
in  1401,  the  drowning  of  John  of  Pomuk  and  mal- 
treatment and  imprisonment  of  other  dignitaries 
by  King  Wenceslas  became  the  subject  of  con- 
versation, and  some  one  said  that  Divine  service 
ought  to  have  been  suspended  by  interdict  on  that 
account.  Hus  vehemently  opposed  the  idea,  and 
demanded  a  reason  from  Scripture,  why  the  praises 
of  God  should  be  discontinued  on  account  of  the 
death  or  imprisonment  of  himself  or  any  other 
priest.  He  appears  to  have  committed  his  sermons 
to  writing  from  the  first,  and  to  have  caused  them 
to  be  fair  copied  for  publication,  no  doubt  thereby 
obtaining  a  considerable  name  as  a  preacher. 
Thus  when  the  preachership  at  the  chapel  "Beth- 
lehem" became  vacant  in  1402,  Hus  was  duly 
nominated  under  the  peculiar  arrangements  of 
the  foundation  and  presented  by  the  -patron.  No 
doubt  this  took  place  with  the  goodwill  and  possibly 
through  the  exertions  of  the  merchant  Kriz  (Cross), 
who  was  a  frequent  visitor  at  the  house  of  Wen- 
ceslas the  cup-maker,  and  was  at  that  time,  if  not 
actually  burgomaster,  at  any  rate  one  of  the  alder- 


80  JOHN   HUS. 


men  of  the  old  town.  The  archbishop's  confirma- 
tion of  the  presentation  was  issued  on  March  14th, 
1402,  only  a  few  days  after  the  arrest  of  King 
Wenceslas  by  his  brother  Sigismund,  and  before 
the  expiration  of  the  half-year,  during  which  Hus 
was  Dean  of  the  Faculty  of  Ai'ts. 

It  is  singular  that  during  the  persecution  of  the 
followers  of  Milicz,  and  only  a  year  and  a  half 
after  the  recantation  of  Mathias  of  Janow,  men 
zealous  for  religious  reform  should  have  succeeded 
in  founding  an  institution  at  Prague,  the  undoubted 
object  of  which  was  to  work  in  that  direction.  Its 
principal  founder  w^as  John  of  Milheim,  a  favourite 
courtier  and  confidential  adviser  of  King  Wenceslas. 
No  place  of  the  name  of  Milheim  being  known  in 
Bohemia,  it  is  probable  that  he  was  of  foreign 
origin,  and  perhaps  a  relative  of  John  of  Milheim, 
who  came  to  Bohemia  as  provincial  prior  of  the 
Teutonic  Knights.  Though  he  was  himself  only  a 
"  knight,"  his  wife  Anna  was  of  the  ancient  and 
noble  family  of  Hasenburg.  He  probably  died 
sometime  between  1404  and  1408. 

It  is  possible  that  the  idea  may  have  originated 
with  the  merchant  Kriz,  who  presented  a  site  from 
his  own  house  for  the  erection  of  the  chapel,  and 
reserved  to  himself  a  considerable  participation  in 
the  midertaking.  Unable  to  carry  it  through  by 
himself,  he  would  naturally  seek  the  aid  of  a  more 
powerful  friend.  The  foundation  deed,  dated  May 
24th,  1390,  declares  that  it  was  an  institution  of 
the  old  fathers  that  the  Word  of  God  should  not 


HUS  IN  FAVOUR  WITH  THE  AUTHORITIES.       81 

be  fettered,  but  be  as  free  and  beneficial  as  possible 
to  the  Church  and  her  members,  and  deplores  that 
there  was  as  jet  no  locality  in  Prague  set  apart 
for  the  office  of  the  preacher ;  yea,  that  preachers, 
especially  those  who  preached  in  the  Bohemian 
tongue,  were  for  the  most  part  compelled  to  go 
about  from  house  to  house  and  from  secret  place 
to  secret  j)lace.  John  of  Milheim,  therefore,  to 
make  better  provision  for  this  need  for  the  future, 
ordained  that  the  incumbent  of  the  new  chapel 
should  be  a  secular  priest,  whose  duty  it  should  be  to 
preach  in  the  Bohemian  language  in  the  morning 
and  afternoon  of  every  holy  day,  except  in  Advent 
and  Lent,  when  there  was  only  to  be  a  morning 
sermon.  The  celebration  of  mass  was  left  to  the 
discretion  of  the  preacher,  who  was  strictly  bound 
to  residence,  might  not  absent  himself  without  the 
permission  of  the  archbishop  or  his  vicars,  and 
must  then  provide  a  competent  substitute.  The 
endowment  amounted  to  nine  "  kops  "  (a  "  kop  "  is 
sixty)  of  groschen,  minus  ten  groschen,  per  annum, 
with  the  proviso  that  this  might  be  raised  to  twenty 
kops,  but  not  more ;  for  a  priest,  who  was  a 
preacher,  ought  not  to  thirst  for  riches.  The 
preacher  was  not  allowed  to  appropriate  the  offer- 
ings or  gifts  collected  in  the  chapel,  which  were  to 
be  kept  under  three  keys,  and  used  for  repau's  and 
other  requirements,  and  after  a  certain  time  for 
the  maintenance  of  poor  students  connected  with 
it,  at  a  rate  of  five  kops  each  per  annum.  It  was 
founded  in  the  name  of  the  Holy  Innocents,  and 

G 


JOHN  HUS. 


the  name  of  Bethlehem  was  given  to  it.  John  of 
Milheim,  according  to  custom,  reserved  the  patron- 
age to  himself  and  his  heirs,  but  with  this  especial 
arrangement,  that  at  each  vacancy  after  the  first 
appointment,  the  three  senior  magisters  of  the 
Bohemian  "nation,"  in  the  late  Emperor  Charles's 
"  college,"  were  to  take  counsel  with  the  burgo- 
master of  the  Old  Town,  and  nominate  three  men, 
whom  they  thought  best  adapted  for  the  preacher's 
duties,  one  of  whom  was  then  to  be  presented  by 
himself  or  his  heirs. 

The  chapel  Bethlehem,  and  the  priest's  house 
beside  it,  were  built  before  the  execution  of  the 
deed  of  foundation.  Archbishop  John  of  Jenstein 
laid  the  first  stone  with  his  own  hands,  and  ere 
long  (June  27th)  confirmed  the  foundation,  which 
henceforth  possessed  the  status  of  a  regular  eccle- 
siastical benefice.  On  Septeml)er  2nd  followed 
King  Wenceslas's  assent  to  the  gift  of  the  site,  and 
on  September  12tli  to  the  appropriation  of  fixed 
payments  to  the  amount  of  thirty  kops  per  annum. 
The  town  council  of  the  Old  Town,  at  the  request 
of  Kriz,  emancipated  the  site  from  all  town  dues. 
Ninety  groschen  were  to  be  paid  annually  to  the 
incumbent  of  St.  Philip  and  St.  James,  in  whose 
parish  the  chapel  was  situated,  as  compensation  for 
any  loss  that  his  receipts  might  suffer  therefrom, 
a  sum  which  in  1403  was  raised  to  three  kops. 

In  Milheim's  foundation  the  right  of  establishing 
a  second  preachership,  as  well  as  an  altar  in  the 
chapel  Bethlehem,  was  reserved  to  the  merchant 


HUS   li^   FAVOUR   WITH   THE   AUTHORITIES.        83 

Kriz.  This  right  he  exercised  on  this  wise.  He 
first  appointed  a  second  j)reacher,  who  was  to  take 
turns  with  the  first  preacher  or  incumbent,  and 
afterwards  established  an  altar  in  honour  of  SS. 
Martha  and  Catherine  and  other  holy  virgins, 
appointing  and  endowing  a  special  altar  priest  to 
perform  an  early  chanted  ma-ss  before  every  morn- 
ing sermon,  and  daily  in  Advent  and  Lent.  The 
altar  priest  was  also  expressly  forbidden  to  sing 
masses  elsewhere  for  money.  The  patronage  of 
the  second  preachership  and  the  altar  was  reserved 
by  Kriz  to  himself  and  his  heirs  for  ever. 

The  first  preacher  and  incumbent  of  Bethlehem 
was  John  Protiva  of  Novaves  (Neiv  village),  who 
was  appointed  by  John  of  Milheim  himself.  On 
his  promotion  in  1396,  the  next  appointment  was 
made  in  accordance  with  the  terms  of  the  deed, 
and  the  choice  fell  on  Magister  Stephen  of  Kolin, 
a  distinguished  member  of  the  university,  who  was 
a  Bachelor  of  Divinity  and  a  Canon  of  All  Saints, 
and  had  been  Dean  of  the  Faculty  of  Arts.  He 
was  an  ardent  patriot  {Zdaior  patrioi  fciTentissimus, 
as  Hus  calls  him),  and  a  zealous  church  reformer. 
The  second  preacher,  John  of  Stiekna,  a  Cistercian 
monk,  vas  likeminded.  Having  somehow  gained 
the  favour  of  Queen  Hedwiga  of  Poland,  he  was 
presented  to  a  Polish  benefice,  and  nominated 
one  of  her  court  chaplains,  although  he  never 
ceased  to  perform  his  duties  at  Bethlehem.  To  his 
excellence  as  a  preacher  Hus  bears  witness,  testify- 
ing that  he  was  a  ''  sounding  trumpet."     He  kept 


84  JOHN   HUS. 


himself,  however,  within  the  strictest  limits  of 
obedience  to  authority,  and  many  took  it  ill,  that 
he  said  nothing  against  the  shameful  sale  of  in- 
dulgences in  1393,  and  even  recommended  them 
from  the  pulpit  in  the  church  on  the  Vyssegrad. 

Ere  long  a  foundation  was  also  established  and 
endowed  by  the  merchant  Kriz,  with  the  aid  of 
other  benefactors,  for  the  maintenance  of  poor 
students  in  connection  with  the  chapel.  These 
students  lived  in  the  priest's  house,  next  door  to 
the  chapel,  which  was  also  inhabited  by  the  two 
preachers  and  the  altar  priest.  The  nomination  of 
the  students  appertained  to  the  three  senior  Bohe- 
mian magisters,  and  their  supervision  to  the  In- 
cumbent of  Bethlehem.  Such  was  the  office  to 
which  Hus  was  now  appointed,  and  which  he 
continued  to  hold  during  the  remainder  of  his  life. 

A  great  alteration  had  taken  place  in  the  tone 
and  feeling  of  the  Bohemian  and  German  inhabit- 
ants of  Prague,  and  in  the  Bohemian  and  German 
members  of  the  university.  Both  Germans  and 
Bohemians  had  alike  sympathized  with  Waldhauser 
and  Milicz  in  their  endeavours  for  reform  in  the 
Church,  but,  as  time  went  on,  the  Germans  withdrew 
themselves  more  and  more  from  the  party  of  reform, 
which  ere  long  came  to  consist  almost  entirely  of 
Bohemians.  A  blasphemous  parody  of  the  mass 
was  composed  by  Germans,  in  which  it  was  chanted 
in  imitation  of  the  gospel  genealogies  :  "  Stanislas 
begat  Peter  of  Znaym,  Peter  begat  Palecz,  and 
Palecz  begat  Hus."    Tomek  ascribes  this  bitterness 


HU3   IN   FAVOUR  WITH   THE  AUTHORITIES.        85 

on  the  part  of  the  Germans  to  the  endowments  and 
dotations,  which  now  began  to  be  given  to  the 
university  to  the  exclusive  advantage  of  the  Bohe- 
mian jazyh  or  nationahty,  literally,  "language." 
There  were  also  disputes  between  the  German  and 
Bohemian  citizens  of  Prague,  both  as  regards  the 
rights  of  their  respective  "languages,"  and  also 
upon  religious  questions.  In  1399  the  rector  of  the 
"  Teyn"  chm-ch  prohibited  the  singing  of  a  favourite 
Bohemian  hymn  on  the  resurrection,  apparently 
because  it  contained  the  lines  :  "  0  heav'nly  King 
most  dear,  Thy  Czeskish  people  hear  !  "  *  Com- 
plaint was  made  to  the  archbishop,  and  the  offend- 
ing priest  was  punished  by  imprisonment. 

When  Euprecht,  the  elector  palatine,  was,  after 
the  deposition  of  Wenceslas,  chosen  King  of  the 
Piomans,  the  German  element  in  the  University  of 
Prague  was  by  no  means  faithful  to  Wenceslas,  who 
could  also  place  but  little  reliance  on  the  council 
of  the  Old  Town,  which  was  almost  entirely  com- 
posed of  Germans.  From  patriotic  feeling  Hus 
expressed  himself  strongly  in  the  pulpit  against  the 
excesses  of  the  troops  of  the  Margraves  of  Meissen, 
when  in  alliance  with  the  lords  of  the  league  they 
appeared  before  the  walls  of  Prague  in  1401.  But 
Hus  was  no  common  German  hater,  but  repeats 
frequently  in  his  writings,  that  a  good  German  was 
dearer  to  him  than  his  own  brother,  if  a  wicked 
man;    although   he  complains  of  the  hypocritical 

*  The  entire  hymn  is  given  in  my  "Lectures  on  the  Native 
Literature  of  Bohemia  in  the  Fourteenth  Century,"  pp.  19,  20. 


86  JOHN   HU3. 


manner  in  which  Germans  were  wont  to  go  before 
the  king  and  swear  to  be  faithful  to  him  and  to 
the  country;  "but  never  will  that  come  to  pass, 
till  the  snake  basks  upon  the  ice." 

After  the  last  citation  of  Mathias  of  Janow  be- 
fore the  archbishop's  court,  and  his  consequent 
recantation,  no  trace  of  any  doctrinal  persecution 
is  found  for  about  ten  years.  This  may  be  accounted 
for  partly  by  the  terror  excited  in  the  minds  of 
the  superior  clergy  by  Wenceslas's  cruel  treatment 
of  John  of  Pomuk  and  others,  and  the  failure  of 
the  archbishop  to  obtain  redress  from  the  pope, 
and  partly  by  the  circumspect  and  tolerant  cha- 
racter of  his  successor.  Archbishop  Olbram.  But 
after  the  death  of  Olbram  in  May,  1402,  the  vacant 
see  was  for  a  year  and  five  months  in  the  hands  of 
"  administrators,"  elected  by  the  Chapter  of  Prague, 
King  Wenceslas  being  then  in  captivity,  and  his 
brother  Sigismund  usurping  authority  and  ruling 
in  his  stead.  Attempts  were  now  made  again  to 
crush  the  reforming  section  of  the  clergy,  who 
raised  their  voices  against  the  abuses  favoured  and 
taken  advantage  of  by  the  dominant  party.  A  pre- 
text for  these  proceedings  was  found  in  the  doctrines 
of  the  Englishman,  John  Wycliffe,  who  was  a 
contemporary  of  the  Bohemian  Milicz,  and  who  had 
come  to  the  front  in  defence  of  the  interests  of  his 
country  against  the  drain  of  money  out  of  it 
through  the  rapacity  of  the  papal  see.  This  man 
had  not  only  raised  his  voice  against  ecclesiastical 
abuses  and  in  favour  of  a  better  religious  education 


HUS  IN   FAVOUR  WITH   THE  AUTHORITIES.        87 

of  the  people,  but  had  also  taken  upon  himself  to 
criticize  various  doctrines  of  the  Church,  as  incon- 
sistent v'ith  the  veritable  teaching  of  Christ.  As 
early  as  1377,  he  had  drawn  upon  himself  the 
wrath  of  Pope  Gregory  XI.,  and  in  1382,  twenty- 
four  articles  alleged  to  be  held  and  promulgated  by 
him  and  his  adherents  were  condemned  by  a  council 
convoked  at  London  by  the  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury. Powerful  protection,  however,  especially 
that  of  John  of  Gaunt,  "  time  honour'd  Lancaster," 
preserved  him  from  personal  persecution  till  his 
death  in  1385.  It  was  some  time  before  his  w^orks 
reached  Bohemia  and  attracted  the  attention  of 
men,  whose  hearts  beat  in  sympathy  with  his. 
There  is  not  the  slightest  trace  of  acquaintance 
with  Wycliffe  in  the  works  of  Magister  Mathias  of 
Janow.  But  soon  after  Wycliffe's  death,  disputes 
began  among  certain  magisters  in  the  University 
of  Prague  respecting  some  of  his  views,  especially 
with  regard  to  the  sacrament  of  the  altar.  Stitny 
himself  began  in  the  seventieth  year  of  his  age  to 
incline  to  the  belief,  that  the  substance  of  bread 
and  wine  remained  after  consecration,  though  in 
his  last  work,  written  in  1400,  he  rejected  this  view, 
and  accepted  the  current  doctrine  of  the  Church. 
But  the  knowledge  of  Wycliffe's  works  was  still  very 
incomplete  in  Bohemia,  and  according  to  Hus's 
own  statement,  it  was  his  philosophical  works  that 
were  principall}''  in  use  in  and  about  the  year  1403, 
while  his  more  important  theological  writings  were 
not  generally  known. 


88  JOHN   HUS. 


John  Hubner,  a  Silesian  of  German  nationality, 
Avliether  on  his  own  account  or  by  order  of  the 
administrators  of  the  archdiocese,  examined  the 
boohs  of  Wycliffe  and  extracted  therefrom  twenty- 
one  articles,  which,  along  with  the  twenty-four  con- 
demned by  the  London  synod,  were  taken  into 
consideration  by  the  Chapter  of  Prague,  and  all 
forty-five  articles  were  laid  before  the  university. 
The  Rector,  Walter  Harraser,  Hus's  immediate 
successor  in  the  office,  convoked  an  assembly  of  the 
magisters  on  May  28th,  1403.  After  the  articles 
had  been  read,  a  great  variety  of  opinion  displayed 
itself.  Many  considered  that  the  selected  passages 
bore  a  different  sense  in  extract  from  what  they 
had  in  connexion  with  their  context.  Magister 
Nicholas  of  Litomysl  told  Hubner  to  his  face : 
"  Thou  hast  falsely,  unrighteously,  and  mendaciously 
extracted  articles  from  books,  which  stand  not  thus ; " 
and  Magister  John  Hus  added,  that  "  such  adultera- 
tors of  books  w'ere  more  deserving  of  being  burnt 
than  Berlin  and  Wlaska,  the  adulterators  of 
saffron,"  who  had  not  long  previously  been  burnt 
alive  at  Prague.  Stephen  Palecz  threw  a  copy  of 
a  book  of  Wycliffe's  on  the  table,  and  said  to  the 
assembled  magisters  :  *'  Let  who  will  stand  up  and 
speak  against  a  single  word  in  this  book :  I  will 
defend  it."  Magister  Stanislas  of  Znaym  under- 
took to  prove,  that  not  one  of  the  forty-five  articles 
was  heretical  or  erroneous ;  at  which  some  of  the 
elder  magisters  took  such  offence,  that  they  quitted 
the  assembly.     However,  the  majority  declared  in 


HUS  IN  FAVOUR  WITH  THE  AUTHORITIES.         81) 


favom-  of  the  views  of  the  chapter,  and  a  resolution 
was  passed,  that  no  one  was  to  teach  or  maintain  the 
articles  aforesaid,  either  in  public  or  in  private. 

But  before  the  year  was  out,  a  new  Archbishop, 
Zbynek  Zajitz  of  Hasenburg,  was  elected  and 
entered  into  possession  of  the  see.  He  was  a  man 
still  young  and  of  business-like  habits,  but  possessed 
more  goodwill  than  learning  and  knowledge  ;  nay,  it 
was  even  asserted  that  he  learned  the  alphabet  after 
his  elevation  to  the  archbishopric.  He  was,  how- 
ever, a  skilful  and  experienced  general,  and  very 
successful  in  the  military  undertakings  entrusted 
to  him  by  King  Wenceslas,  after  his  escape  from 
Vienna.  Neglecting  theoretical  disputes  in  theology, 
he  turned  his  attention  to  the  practical  reform  of 
abuses,  and  soon  after  entering  upon  the  duties  of 
his  see,  commissioned  Hus  to  make  knowni  to  him, 
either  personally  or  by  letter,  any  defect  that  he  saw 
in  ecclesiastical  arrangements.  It  is  easy  hence  to 
see,  that  the  party  of  reform  must  have  attained 
great  weight  and  importance,  and  that  Hus,  the 
well-known  jDreacher  of  Bethlehem,  must  have 
begun  to  be  considered  as  its  leader. 

Neither  did  Hus  neglect  the  commission  thus 
given  him  by  the  archbishop,  but  drew  his  attention 
amongst  other  things  to  the  deceptions  practised  in 
the  exhibition  of  false  relics,  in  the  annoimcement 
of  false  miracles,  and  in  thus  extracting  money  by 
way  of  gifts  and  offerings  from  the  pockets  of  the 
laity.  Several  places  in  Bohemia  were  frequented 
by  pilgrims,  but  there  was  one  in  the  Margravate 


90  JOHN  HU3. 


of  Brandenburg,  Wilsnak  near  Wittemberg,  -whicli 
had  for  some  time  possessed  especial  celebrity. 
Here  was  exhibited  what  was  alleged  to  be  the 
natural  blood  of  Christ,  which  of  course  was  repre- 
sented as  possessing  miraculous  powers.  Hus 
and  two  other  magisters  were  commissioned  by 
the  archbishop  to  examine  into  the  matter,  and  it 
was  soon  shown  that  the  whole  thing  was  a  decep- 
tion. A  lad  was  said  to  have  had  a  miracle  of 
healing  performed  upon  his  foot ;  it  was  proved 
that  his  foot  was  worse  than  before.  Two  blind 
men  were  asserted  to  have  regained  their  sight ; 
they  admitted  before  the  three  commissioners,  the 
public  notary  and  other  witnesses,  that  they  had 
never  been  blind  at  all,  but  had  merely  been  afflicted 
with  a  painful  affection  of  the  eyes.  A  citizen  of 
Prague,  then  lately  deceased,  Peter  of  Cachy,  had 
made  a  pilgrimage  to  Wilsnak,  and  there  offered 
a  silver  hand.  It  was  proved  by  the  evidence  of 
his  friends  and  household,  that  he  had  received  no 
benefit  whatever,  but  that,  wishing  to  know  what 
the  priests  would  say  about  the  aforesaid  hand,  he 
had  remained  in  the  place  till  the  third  day.  The 
priest  in  his  jDresence  exhibited  the  silver  hand  in 
the  pulpit,  and  said,  "  Children  !  hear  the  miracle  ! 
A  citizen  of  Prague  has  had  his  hand  healed  by  the 
sacred  blood ;  and  in  witness  thereof  has  offered 
this  silver  hand."  Peter  rose  up  and  showed  his 
hand,  saying,  "  Priest,  why  liest  thou  ?  See  !  my 
hand  is  affected  as  it  was  before."  On  account  of 
such   scandals,  the  archbishop  in  synod,  in  1406, 


HUS  IN  FAVOUR   WITH   THE  AUTHORITIES.         91 

forbade  further  pilgrimages  to  Wilsnak,  under  pain 
of  excommunication,  and  took  similar  measures 
with  regard  to  similar  j)laces  in  Bohemia.  lius 
wrote  a  Latin  treatise  on  the  subject,  in  which  he 
distinctly  denied  the  existence  anywhere  of  the 
natural  blood  of  Christ,  the  whiskers  of  Christ,  the 
milk  of  the  Virgin  Mary,  and  other  relics  of  the 
kind  ;  and  also  warned  people  against  lightly  credit- 
ing miracles  of  recent  date. 

Archbishop  Zbynek  also  made  use  of  the  services 
of  Hus  and  others  of  the  same  tendency,  as  preach- 
ers before  the  synods,  which  he  held  from  time  to 
time  in  his  diocese.  At  the  synod  held  on  St. 
Vitus's  Day,  1405,  Stanislas  of  Znaym,  and  at  that 
on  October  23rd,  John  Hus,  were  the  preachers.  In 
both  sermons  vivid  and  truthful  descriptions  were 
given  of  the  life  of  the  clergy  of  the  day,  and  of 
the  abuses  dominant  therein,  nor  was  any  grade  or 
rank  left  unnoticed.  Archdeacons,  deans,  digni- 
taries, canons,  had  their  unrighteousnesses  laid 
before  their  eyes  just  as  plainly  as  ordinary  parsons 
and  altar  priests ;  and  monks  were  criticized  as 
freely  as  secular  clergy.  Stanislas  did  not  hesitate 
to  suggest  to  the  archbishop,  that  it  was  his  duty 
to  exert  himself  to  the  utmost  of  his  power  to 
extirpate  ail  evil  and  punish  those  who  would  not 
correct  themselves.  Hus  included  within  the  scope 
of  his  criticisms,  not  only  bishops  and  archbishops, 
but  also  the  pope  and  the  cardinals.  The  arch- 
bishop was  present  in  person  at  Hus's  sermon,  as 
well  as  numerous  ecclesiastical  dignitaries,  and  a 


92  JOHN   HUS. 


larger  number  of  clergy  than  had  beeii  seen  together 
assembled  for  many  years.  As  soon  as  the  sermon 
was  ended,  Adam  of  Nezetitz,  the  vicar-general, 
ascended  the  pulpit,  eulogized  Hus's  discourse,  and 
addressed  the  clergy  to  the  same  effect.  Hus  also 
delivered  a  copy  of  his  sermon  to  the  archbishop. 

There  were  also  other  occasions  on  which  the 
preaching  powers  of  Hus  and  his  friends  were  in 
request.  At  the  annual  commemoration  of  the 
Emperor  Charles  IV.  as  founder  of  the  university, 
on  December  5th,  1404,  Hus  was  selected  to  address 
the  clergy  in  the  church  of  St.  Gallus.  But  his 
principal  and  regular  working  station  was  the 
chapel  Bethlehem,  Thousands  of  hearers  crowded 
thither,  as  they  had  crowded  formerly  to  hear  the 
addresses  of  Milicz,  eager  to  receive  the  Word  of 
God  from  his  eloquent  lips.  And  there  it  was  that 
he  gained  the  favour  and  goodwill,  not  only  of  the 
populace,  but  also  of  many  influential  citizens  of 
Prague  and  persons  of  importance  at  King  Wen- 
ceslas's  court.  Many  of  the  clergy  also  attended 
his  preaching  for  instruction  and  improvement; 
and  many  asked  his  counsel  in  various  questions 
arising  in  the  com-se  of  their  spiritual  duties,  of 
which  Hus  required  a  more  conscientious  perform- 
ance than  was  in  accordance  with  the  perverted 
usage  of  the  day.  It  was  beyond  all  question 
Hus's  preaching  at  Bethlehem,  that  so  attracted 
and  influenced  Queen  Sophia,  that  she  nominated 
him  her  chaplain,  and,  as  is  supposed,  also  made 
him  her  confessor. 


HUS  IN  FAVOUR  WITH  THE   AUTHORITIES.         93 

Over  and  above  his  duties  as  a  preacher,  Hus 
never  ceased  working  in  the  university,  where  he 
lectured,  examined,  and  took  part  in  the  govern- 
ment of  his  faculty,  and  in  the  care  of  the  interests 
of  the  Bohemian  "nation."  Engagements  of  this 
kind  probably  took  up  a  great  part  of  his  time, 
and  caused  him  to  be  less  fertile  as  a  writer. 
Besides  his  written  sermons  in  the  Latin  tongue, 
the  above-mentioned  treatise  on  the  natural  Blood 
of  Christ,  and  another  on  the  Sacrament  of  the 
Lord's  Supper,  which  he  composed  in  1401,  there 
is  no  Latin  or  Bohemian  work  of  his,  which  we 
can  be  sure  was  written  before  1412. 

Both  as  a  pastor  and  as  a  teacher,  Hus  began 
in  course  of  time  to  draw  from  the  fountain  of  John 
Wycliffe.  He  saw  in  Wycliffe's  writings  the  same 
energetic  zeal  for  reform  in  the  Church  that  he 
felt  himself,  and  in  which  he  was  encouraged  by 
the  example  of  his  worthy  precursors  in  his  own 
country.  So  convinced  was  he  of  the  excellence  of 
Wycliffe's  work  and  writings,  that  once  in  the 
presence  of  the  archbishop  he  is  said  to  have  ex- 
claimed, that  he  hoped  his  soul  would  be  where 
that  of  Magister  John  Wycliffe  was.  In  this  favour- 
able judgment  of  Wycliffe,  he  and  his  friends  were 
greatly  confirmed  by  a  document  dated  October  5th, 
1406,  under  the  seal,  and  issued  in  the  name  of 
the  University  of  Oxford,  which  had  been  procured 
by  some  of  Wycliffe's  disciples  there,  and  which 
bore  testimony  to  his  virtuous  life  and  orthodox}^, 
expressly  refuting  the   stories  that   he  had  been 


94  JOHN  HUS. 


condemned  for  heresy,  and  that  his  body  had  been 
given  to  the  flames  after  his  death.  This  document 
was  brought  from  Oxford  to  Prague  by  two  students, 
one  of  whom,  Nicholas  Faulfisch,  also  brought 
with  him  a  piece  of  stone  from  Wycliffe's  tomb  at 
Lutterworth.  The  decree  of  the  University  of 
Prague,  in  1403,  prohibiting  the  enunciation  of 
certain  articles  extracted  from  the  writings  of 
Wycliffe,  did  not  hinder  their  being  read  or  their 
ever  increasing  circulation  in  Bohemia. 

But  however  great  was  the  value  set  by  Hus 
upon  Wycliffe  as  a  Christian  teacher,  an  "Evan- 
gelical Doctor,"  or  as  the  "Doctor  of  deep  thoughts," 
as  he  terms  him  in  his  Bohemian  writings,  yet  he 
was  no  blind  follower  of  his  teaching.  Selecting 
from  his  books  whatever  he  thought  to  be  true  and 
useful,  he  endeavoured  withal,  like  Mathias  of 
Janow  and  Thomas  of  Stitny,  to  remain  at  one 
with  the  doctrines  of  the  Catholic  Church.  The 
opinion  of  Wycliffe,  that  the  substance  of  bread  and 
wine  remained  in  the  sacrament  of  the  altar  after 
consecration,  was  never  at  any  time  maintained 
or  defended,  but  was  alwaj's  expressl}'  and  defini- 
tively rejected  by  Hus.  Like  Mathias  of  Janow, 
Hus  ascribed  the  highest  value  and  weight  to  Holy 
Scripture,  as  the  most  certain  and  infallible  rule  of 
Christian  doctrine;  but  he  did  not  reject  to  the 
same  extent  as  Wycliffe  the  traditions  of  the  Church 
and  the  teaching  of  the  fathers,  but  acknowledged 
that  Holy  Scripture  ought  to  be  explained  in  ac- 
cordance with  them.     Neither  did  Hus  agree  with 


HUS  IN   FAVOUR  WITH   THE   AUTHORITIES.        95 

Mathias  of  Janow  in  every  respect,  exi^ressing 
himself  on  many  points  with  much  greater  mode- 
ration. For  instance,  the  honour  paid  to  images 
and  to  holy  relics  was  never  so  sharply  condemned 
by  Hus  as  by  Mathias,  nor  did  Hus  coincide  with 
him  and  with  Wycliffe  in  their  absolute  condemna- 
tion of  monastic  orders. 

It  was  never  Hus's  aim  to  discover  novelties  in 
Christian  doctrine,  but  rather  by  Christian  teach- 
ing to  educate  the  people,  and  thus  to  engraft 
correct  conceptions  of  it  in  them.  For  that  purpose 
it  was  requisite  to  eradicate  erroneous  notions, 
which  had  never  been  in  accordance  with  the  teach- 
ing of  the  Church,  but  in  which  the  depraved  and 
degraded  clergy  had  been  only  too  glad  to  leave  and 
encourage  the  laity.  Hence  it  was  that  Hus  found 
abundance  to  do  at  first  as  a  preacher  and  after- 
wards as  a  writer.  In  Hus's  time  the  priests  were 
in  the  habit  of  boasting  of  their  superiority  to  the 
Virgin  Mary,  because  she  only  once  conceived  and 
bore  the  Saviour,  whereas  every  priest  both  could 
and  did  create  Him  daily.  Hus  treated  all  such 
sayings  as  silly  blasphemies.  The  priests  boasted 
that  at  their  will  they  forgave  and  retained  men's 
sins,  and  that  thus  they  sent  whom  the}'-  would  to 
heaven  and  whom  they  would  to  hell.  But  Hus 
taught  that  the  priest  did  not  himself  remit  sins, 
but  that  God  remitted  them  by  the  agency  of  the 
priest,  even  if  an  unworthy  one  ;  yea,  that  circum- 
stances might  occur  under  which  remission  might 
be  had  even  without    priestly    absolution.     The 


96  JOHN  HUS. 


priests  took  jjayment  for  hearing  confessions,  and 
granted  absolution  on  easier  terms  for  money. 
But  Hus  warned  the  people  that  absolution  was 
not  valid,  without  honest  sorrow  for  sin,  without 
the  intention  of  amendment  of  life,  and  without 
making  jDroper  satisfaction.  The  priests  raised  no 
objection  against,  but  rather  encouraged  the  people 
in,  excessive  reliance  on  purchased  prayers  and 
masses,  on  the  intercession  of  saints,  on  pilgrim- 
ages to  miraculous  localities,  and  on  gifts  to  eccle- 
siastical foundations,  as  means  of  obtaining  salva- 
tion. But  Hus  warned  his  hearers  against  such 
notions,  and  admonished  them  that  salvation  was 
not  to  be  had  without  loving  God  above  everything 
and  one's  neighbour  as  one's  self. 

"  Eobbcrs  and  usurers,"  said  he,  "and  other  wicked  acquirers 
of  wealth,  do  greatly  deceive  themselves  in  thinking  to  please 
God  by  getting  much  wickedly  and  giving  a  little  to  the  poor, 
or  by  endowing  altars  and  chaplains."  "  He  who  gives  a  single 
halfpenny  for  God's  service,  while  alive  and  well,  profits  his 
soul  more  than  if,  after  death,  he  were  to  give  as  much  gold  as 
would  reach  from  earth  to  heaven."  "  He  who  endures  one 
contrary  word  profits  his  soul  more  than  if  he  were  to  break  as 
many  rods  on  his  back  as  could  grow  in  the  largest  forest." 
"  He  who  humbles  himself  to  the  meanest  man  profits  his  soul 
more  than  if  he  were  to  go  on  pilgrimages  from  one  end  of  the 
world  to  the  other."  "  He  who  sheds  one  tear  for  his  sins 
profits  his  soul  more  than  if,  after  death,  he  were  to  weep  till 
two  rivers  flowed  from  his  eyes."  "  He  who  holds  the  Lord 
God  dearer  than  all  the  creation  pi'ofits  his  soul  more  than  if  the 
Mother  of  God  with  all  the  saints  were  to  intercede  for  him." 

Such  expressions  exhibit  to  the  full  the  working 
of  Hus  amongst  and  upon  his  countrymen.     And 


HUS   IN   FAVOUR   WITH   THE   AUTHORITIES.        97 

lie  taught  not  only  by  word  but  by  example.  Not 
that  he  devoted  himself  with  the  self-abnegation  of 
Milicz  to  the  direct  performance  of  works  of  Chris- 
tian charity,  but  that  his  private  life  was  such  that 
his  greatest  enemies  and  adversaries  were  never 
able  to  discover  anything  to  cast  in  his  teeth. 
AVhile  urging  others  to  a  life  of  morality,  he  avoided 
himself  the  slightest  approach  to  immorality,  which 
was  the  great  scandal  of  the  day  amongst  the 
clergy ;  and  while  blaming  others  for  their  thirst 
for  promotion  and  preferment,  he  remained  content 
with  the  scanty  income  obtained  from  the  endow- 
ment of  Bethlehem  and  his  occupations  in  the 
university. 

But  these  qualities  gained  little  recognition 
among  the  dominant  class  of  the  clergy  of  the  day, 
but  were  looked  upon  in  Hus  with  the  same  aver- 
sion with  which  they  had  formerly  been  looked 
upon  in  Milicz.  Thus  the  favour  which  Hus  en- 
joyed with  the  archbishop,  and  the  archbishop's 
goodwill  towards  himself  and  his  work,  were  a 
thorn  in  the  flesh  to  the  clergy  of  the  opposite 
party,  and  they  accordingly  sought  to  undermine 
one  who  was  a  living  and  perpetual  re^^roof  to 
them.  They  found  the  wished-for  opportunity  in 
the  delight  with  which  Hus  and  his  party  studied 
the  works  of  Wycliffe.  As  the  archbishop  himself 
paid  little  attention  to  their  hints,  the  matter  was 
taken  up  in  an  underhand  manner  by  some  of  the 
dignitaries  connected  with  the  cathedral,  and  in- 
formation was  sent  to  the  papal  curia,   that  the 

H 


98  JOHN   HUS. 


Wycliffite  heresy  was  being  disseminated  in  Bohe- 
mia.    Tlius,  as  early  as  June   24th,   1405,  Pope 
Innocent  VII.  issued  a  bull  to  the  Archbishop  of 
Prague,  in  which  he  exhorted  him  to  be  diligent 
in  extirpating  those  errors.      This  bull  produced 
no  immediate  effect,  and  the  kindly  feeling  of  the 
archbishop  towards  Hus  remained  unaltered.     But 
all  Hus's  friends,  who  studied  the  works  of  Wycliife, 
were  not  so  careful  and  circumspect  in  their  accept- 
ance of  his  sentiments  as  himself.     In  particular 
Stanislas  of  Znaym  and  Stephen  Palecz  took  up 
some  of  the  opinions  of  Wycliffe,  which  had  been 
expressly  condemned.     Stanislas  was  not  satisfied 
with  maintaining  in  private  conversations  that  the 
substance  of  bread  remained  in  the  sacrament  of 
the  altar  after  consecration,  but   endeavoured  to 
induce  Hus  to  embrace  the  same  view,  and  com- 
posed a  treatise  in  which  he  indirectly  defended 
Wycliffe's  doctrine.     This  treatise  he  read  aloud  in 
his  room  in  the  Carolinum  on  February  9th,  1406, 
at  which  Hus's  co-preacher   at  Bethlehem,  John 
Stiekna,   took    offence    and    laid   an    information 
against  it  as  erroneous,  in  the  archbishop's  court. 
Stanislas  at  first  thought  little  of  this,  and  declared 
that    Stiekna  would   soon   be   obliged  to   ask  his 
pardon  on  bended  knee ;    but  the  archbishop,  no 
doubt  fearing  to  fall  into  discredit  at  Eome,  issued 
a  citation  against  Stanislas,  who  helped  himself  out 
of  the  difficulty  by  stating  on  oath  that  his  treatise 
was  still  unfinished. 

This  was  probably  the  reason  why,  at  the  synod 


HUS   IN   FAVOUR   WITH   THE   AUTHORITIES.       99 

in  1406,  the  archbishop  issued  an  order,  strictly 
enjoining  it  to  be  taught,  that  the  substance  of 
bread  did  not  remain  in  the  host  after  consecra- 
tion, but  only  the  true  Body  of  Christ ;  nor  the  sub- 
stance of  wine  after  the  consecration  of  the  chalice, 
but  only  the  Blood  of  Christ.  Whoever  taught  or 
argued  otherwise  was  under  pain  of  excommunica- 
tion to  be  presented  to  the  archbishop  for  punish- 
ment as  a  heretic.  In  the  course  of  1407  several 
persons,  both  clerical  and  lay,  were  cited  and  ques- 
tioned on  these  points,  but  all  gave  answers  more 
or  less  satisfactory^,  and  were  released.  And  we 
may  infer  that  the  good  understanding  between 
Hus  and  the  archbishop  had  not  suffered  thereby, 
from  the  fact  that  Hus  was  the  preacher  at  the 
synod  held  on  October  18th,  1407. 

But  soon  afterwards  a  change  appears  to  have 
taken  place.  No  doubt  the  thoughtlessness  of  some 
of  Hus's  friends  and  partizans  enabled  his  enemies 
to  bring  him  under  a  superficial  suspicion  of  heresy 
with  the  archbishop,  whose  scanty  theological 
knowledge  did  not  enable  him  to  form  an  indepen- 
dent judgment.  The  archbishop  had  also  been 
again  cited  by  the  papal  curia  under  the  new  pope 
at  Eome,  Gregory  XII.,  to  whom  it  had  been  repre- 
sented, that  there  were  sectaries  in  Bohemia  who 
entertained  Wycliffite  views  of  the  sacrament  of  the 
altar ;  nay,  that  King  Wenceslas  himself  was  pro- 
tecting certain  of  them  in  their  errors  contrary  to 
ecclesiastical  law.  This  incensed  the  king,  who 
did  not  choose  to  put  up  with  any  such  evil  report, 


100  JOHN  HUS. 


and  demanded  that  a  searching  investigation  should 
take  place  for  the  purpose  of  clearing  his  kingdom 
from  the  charge.  He  also  expressed  his  firm  reso- 
lution to  punish  even  with  burning  to  death  any 
who  should  be  really  convicted  of  heresy.  Thus  in 
14.08  several  persons  were  cited  before  the  arch- 
bishop's court  on  the  charge  of  holding  Wycliffe's 
forbidden  doctrines. 

There  is  some  ground  for  inferring,  that  the 
chapel  Bethlehem  was  now  made  a  special  object  of 
attack  by  Hus's  enemies.  At  any  rate,  after  six- 
teen years  had  elapsed  since  its  foundation,  the 
merchant  Kriz,  as  its  only  surviving  founder,  pre- 
sented a  petition  at  Rome,  praying,  that  for  the 
greater  encouragement  of  pious  people  who  enter- 
tained a  special  affection  for  it  and  visited  it  in 
great  numbers,  its  foundation  might  also  receive 
papal  confirmation.  No  doubt  it  required  protec- 
tion against  the  unfriendly  feeling  of  the  arch- 
bishop's court,  from  which  it  had  as  yet  received 
its  only  confirmation.  And  in  fact  Kriz  did  ob- 
tain from  the  pope  a  bull  of  very  laudatory  tenour 
respecting  the  special  dedication  of  the  chapel  to 
the  preaching  of  the  Word  of  God  in  the  Bohemian 
language,  in  which  the  pope  commissioned  Arch- 
bishop Zbyuek,  if  the  fact  were  as  the  petitioner 
asserted,  to  confirm  the  foundation  with  apostolic 
authority.  This  bull  unfortunately  arrived  at 
Prague  just  when  the  archbishop's  court  was  pro- 
ceeding with  increased  severity  against  people 
suspected  of  Wycliffism,  and  when  the  archbishop 


HUS  IN   FAVOUR  WITH   THE   AUTHORITIES.      101 

was  already  beginning  to  be  prejudiced  against  the 
entire  tendency  of  Hus  and  his  adherents.  Thus 
the  foundation  of  the  chapel  never  received  the 
desired  confirmation. 

Mathias  of  Knin,  apparently  a  pupil  of  Stanis- 
las of  Znaym,  who  presented  him  for  his  magister's 
degree  in  1404,  was  one  of  those  accused  of  Wy- 
cliffism.  Although  the  offence  had  not  been  defini- 
tively proved  against  him,  yet  he  was  cast  into  the 
archbishop's  prison  and  ordered  to  recant  the  doc- 
trine of  Wycliffe  as  to  the  sacrament  of  the  altar,  and 
to  purge  himself  by  the  testimony  of  four  witnesses. 
On  May  14th,  1408,  the  archbishop  sat  in  judgment 
in  his  palace  in  the  Kleinseite  in  a  large  assembly 
of  magisters,  doctors  and  others.  The  accused  at 
first  defended  himself,  asking  what  could  be  the 
meaning  of  the  recantation  of  error  or  heresy  on 
the  part  of  an  unconvicted  person  ?  But  the  gene- 
ral vicar,  John  Kbel,'^said  to  him :  "  Thou  must 
recant  heresy,  even  though  thou  hast  never  held  it." 
And  finally  the  archbishop  addressed  the  prisoner 
himself  with  military  brevity  in  the  words  :  "  Cease 
talking,  magister  !  thou  wilt  either  recant  or  stay 
here  in  my  prison."  After  this  Mathias  took  the 
oath  of  abjuration,  and  purged  himself  by  means  of 
the  four  witnesses  as  required. 

Six  days  afterwards,  on  May  20th,  a  meeting  of 
the  Bohemian  "  nation  "  in  the  university  was  held, 
no  doubt  at  the  instance  of  King  Wenceslas  and 
Archbishop  Zbynek,  who  wanted  to  know  its  opinion 
respecting  the  forty-five  articles  extracted  from  the 


102  JOHN   HITS. 


books  of  Wycliffe,  which  had  five  years  previously 
been  condemned  by  the  whole  university.  At  this 
meeting  seventy-four  magisters  took  part  in  the 
proceedings,  and  tlie  audience  consisted  of  one  hun- 
dred and  fifty  bachelors  and  about  one  thousand 
Bohemian  students.  It  was  unanimously  resolved 
that  the  said  articles  were  not  to  be  held  or  defended 
by  any  member  of  the  Bohemian  "nation"  "in 
their  heretical,  erroneous  or  offensive  sense,"  under 
penalty  of  expulsion.  It  was  also  resolved,  that  the 
perusal  of  Wycliffe's  "Dialogus  "  and  "  Trialogus," 
and  of  his  treatise  on  the  sacrament  of  the  altar, 
should  be  prohibited  to  students  who  had  not 
taken  a  degree.  Hus  was  present  and  voted  for 
the  above  resolutions,  neither  did  any  of  his  friends 
in  anywise  o^Dpose  them.  The  addition  of  the 
words,  "in  their  heretical,  erroneous  or  offensive 
sense,"  satisfied  the  consciences  of  those,  who  failed 
to  find  in  AVjcliffe's  books  the  meaning  assigned  to 
them  by  their  censurers. 

These  resolutions  were  communicated  to  the 
archbishop,  but  did  not  suffice  to  revive  in  him  his 
former  favourable  feelings  towards  the  party  of 
reform.  Its  enemies  began  now  to  make  other 
charges  against  it  than  that  of  holding  erroneous 
doctrines.  They  complained  of  the  mischievous 
nature  and  evil  eflect  of  sermons  jireached  at 
Prague  or  elsewhere  in  the  diocese,  in  which  the 
life  and  conversation  of  "  prelates,"  i.e.  ecclesias- 
tical dignitaries,  and  other  ecclesiastics  were  cen- 
sured.  This  also  was  ascribed  to  Wycliffite  teaching. 


HUS   IN   FAVOUR  WITH   THE  AUTHORITIES.      103 

For  this  reason,  at  the  special  summer  synod  of 
the  year  (June  29th,  1408),  [the  archbishop  not 
only  caused  the  i^revious  decree  respecting  the 
doctrine  required  to  be  taught  as  regards  the  sacra- 
ment of  the  altar  to  be  proclaimed  anew,  but  also 
prohibited  any  condemnatory  remarks  to  be  made 
on  the  clergy  in  sermons  addressed  to  the  laity. 
He  at  the  same  time  issued  an  order,  that  all 
doctors,  magisters,  bachelors,  students,  priests,  or 
others,  possessing  copies  of  Wycliffe's  works,  were 
to  deposit  them  in  the  treasurer's  office  in  the 
episcopal  palace  by  St.  Procop's  day  in  that  year, 
to  be  examined.  The  singing  of  divers  new  hymns 
in  churches  was  also  prohibited. 

Very  soon  afterwards  two  priests  were  inhibited 
from  preaching  in  Prague  without  having  any 
special  aj)pointment.  One  of  these,  Nicholas  of 
Velenovitz,  surnamed  Abraham,  on  being  cited  by 
the  vicar  general  and  told  that  he  had  no  right  to 
preach  without  the  archbishop's  licence,  appealed 
to  his  vocation  as  a  priest,  and  went  so  far  as  to 
assert,  that  not  only  i)riests,  but  even  laymen  were 
permitted  to  proclaim  the  gospel.  The  vicar 
general  exclaimed,  that  this  was  an  heretical  opinion, 
and  imprisoned  him,  with  a  view  to  a  fresh  hearing 
by  the  inquisitors,  Jaroslaw,  Bishop  of  Sarepta,  a 
Minorite,  and  the  Dominican  Maurice  Evaczka,  a 
Professor  of  Theology.  Abraham  was,  according  to 
custom,  required  before  his  hearing  to  make  oath 
to  speak  the  truth ;  he  was  willing  enough  to  swear 
l^y  the  living  God,  but  scrupled  at  swearing  on  the 


104  JOHN   HUS. 


gospels  and  the  crucifix.  Hns  entered  just  at  this 
moment,  intending  to  be  a  spectator  of  the  trial, 
and  interceded  for  Abraham,  appealing  to  a  state- 
ment of  Chrysostom's,  that  it  was  a  greater  matter 
to  swear  by  God  than  by  a  creature.  John  Kbel, 
the  vicar  general,  immediately  interrupted  him, 
saying :  "  Ha,  magister  !  thou  art  here  to  hear,  not 
to  interfere." 

Hus  took  occasion  from  this  to  write  a  letter  to 
Archbishop  Zbynek,  in  which  he  appealed  to  his 
former  commission  to  make  known  to  the  arch- 
bishop defects  in  the  government  of  the  Church, 
and  represented  to  him  that  it  was  not  right  thus 
to  persecute  meek  priests,  diligent  in  the  discharge 
of  their  duties,  who  did  not  go  after  covetousness, 
but  worked  gratuitously  in  preaching  the  Word  of 
God,  while  the  licentious  and  ill-conducted  walked 
at  liberty  and  gave  themselves  haughty  airs  with 
impunity.  He  did  not,  he  said,  ascribe  this  to  the 
archbisho]3  himself,  but  to  the  malignity  of  others, 
meaning  thereby  the  then  officials  of  the  consistory 
court.  This  letter  produced  no  effect,  and  the  arch- 
bishop remained  under  the  influence  of  his  anti- 
reforming  advisers.  Still,  as  the  investigations 
hitherto  made  had  not  convicted  any  one  of  obsti- 
nate maintenance  of  heresy,  the  archbishop  caused 
it  to  be  solemnly  announced  at  an  extraordinary 
synod  on  July  17th,  that  by  the  permission  and  at 
the  desire  of  King  Wenceslas  he  had  made  careful 
inquiry  in  Prague  and  in  the  diocese  and  province  of 
Prague,  but  had  not  found  and  could  not  find  any 


HUS  IN  FAVOUR  WITH  THE  AUTHORITIES.      105 

heterodox  person  or  heretic.  Nevertheless  he  per- 
sisted in  his  edict  as  to  giving  up  the  copies  of  the 
books  of  Wycliffe,  and  in  confirming  the  decrees  of 
the  previous  synod,  which  were  aimed  at  preachers 
of  Hus's  tendency.  His  intention  was  to  cause  all 
"Wj'cliffe's  works,  in  which  errors  were  discovered, 
to  be  burnt,  and  he  therefore  sent  word  of  the  state 
of  matters  in  Bohemia  to  Pope  Gregory  XII.,  re- 
questing special  authorization  for  the  purpose. 

The  archbishop's  orders  naturally  produced  an 
unfavourable  feeling  towards  him  in  the  minds  of 
the  reforming  section  of  the  clergy ;  still  they 
almost  all  obeyed  and  gave  up  their  coi)ies  of  Wy- 
cliffe's  books.  Hus  did  so  himself,  pajdug  a  per- 
sonal visit  to  the  archbishop,  and  after  giving  up 
his  books,  requesting  him  to  note  aught  erroneous 
that  he  found  in  them,  and  promising  to  draw 
public  attention  to  the  error.  Five  students  alone 
determined  to  take  up  an  attitude  of  resistance,  and 
not  only  refused  to  give  up  their  copies,  but  also 
ventured  to  appeal  to  the  pope.  They  complained 
of  the  order  to  give  up  the  books  as  a  violation  of 
the  rights  and  liberties  of  the  university,  and 
accused  the  archbishop's  edict,  as  to  the  doctrine  to 
be  taught  respecting  the  sacrament  of  the  altar,  of 
error  and  even  of  heresy,  arguing  that  its  express 
tenour,  that  after  consecration  nothing  remained  in 
the  host  but  the  Body  of  Christ,  and  nothing  in  the 
chalice  but  the  Blood  of  Christ,  was  incorrect,  since, 
according  to  the  doctrine  of  the  Church,  both  the 
Body  and  Blood  of  Christ  were  in  each  kind.    More- 


106  JOHN   HUS. 


over,  on  August  5th,  placards  were  posted  early  in 
the  morning,  condemnatory  of  the  archbishop  and 
canons,  and  also  of  certain  Bohemian  magisters, 
who  had  not  been  in  accord  with  the  rest. 

A  friend  of  Hub's,  Magister  Marek  of  Hradetz, 
one  of  the  three  professors  of  the  Faculty  of  Arts  and 
a  Canon  of  Prague,  went  to  Eome  as  legal  represen- 
tative of  the  appealing  students.  After  some  time  he 
was  excommunicated  by  Archbishop  Zbynek,  and 
deprived  of  his  stall  in  the  cathedral,  yet  was  not 
thereby  deterred  from  sympathizing  with  the  party 
of  Hus.  Nor  was  it  any  advantage  to  Hus  that  he 
had  personally  taken  no  part  in  the  demonstrations 
against  the  archbishop.  Emboldened  by  the  arch- 
bishop's prohibition  of  preaching  respecting  the 
state  of  the  clergy,  Hus's  adversaries  filed  a  formal 
complaint  against  him  in  the  name  of  the  clergy 
of  the  city  and  diocese  of  Prague,  accusing  him 
generally  of  preaching  mischievous  sermons, 
whereby  the  people  were  rendered  more  antago- 
nistic to  the  priesthood  than  heretofore,  and  in  par- 
ticular bringing  two  matters  against  him  from  a 
sermon  preached  a  year  previously,  on  July  17th, 
1407,  and  therefore  before  the  last  year's  synod,  at 
which  he  had  been  appointed  preacher  by  the  arch- 
bishop himself.  One  was,  that  he  had  made  men- 
tion in  the  sermon  of  Canon  Peter  of  A^seroby,  then 
deceased,  who  had  been  a  mighty  pluraHst,  hold- 
ing four  canonries  and  an  archdcacomy  by  special 
favour  of  the  pope.  In  urging  the  people  to  i^ray 
for  his  soul,  Hus  had  warned  the  numerous  clergy 


HUS  IN  FAVOUR  WITH  THE  AUTHORITIES.      107 

present  against  avaricious  thirsting  for  benefices, 
and  declared  that  he  would  not  accept  the  whole 
world  on  condition  of  dying  in  possession  of  such 
and  so  many  preferments.  The  other  was,  that  he 
had  laid  down  the  position,  that  it  was  simony, 
and  therefore  heresy,  in  a  priest  to  require  aught 
from  the  people,  especially  from  the  poor,  for  the  ad- 
ministration of  the  sacraments,  or  for  performance 
of  the  burial  service  ;  for  in  that  case — argued  the 
complainants — every  incumbent  must  be  a  heretic. 
Never  was  a  more  irrefragable  proof  of  the  decline 
of  respect  for  ecclesiastical  law  among  the  mass  of 
the  clergy.  For  the  statement  which  the  framers 
of  the  plaint  brought  as  a  serious  charge  against 
Hus  was  a  mere  repetition  of  the  tenour  of  Article 
65  of  the  provincial  statutes  of  Archbishop  Arnost, 
who  died  in  1364  ! 


108  JOHN  HUS. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

SECESSION  OF  THE  GERMAN  ELEMENT  IN  THE  UNIVER- 
SITY. CONTEST  BETWEEN  THE  KING  AND  THE 
ARCHBISHOP. 

Both  popes — Gregory  XII.,  the  Pope  at  Rome,  and 
Benedict  XIIL,  the  Pope  at  Avignon — were  now 
forsaken  by  their  cardinals,  who  united  into  one 
college,  and  in  June,  1408,  convoked  a  general 
council  to  meet  at  Pisa,  on  March  25th  in  the 
following  year.  They  entreated  all  kings  and 
princes,  especially  King  Wenceslas  of  Bohemia,  to 
aid  them  in  their  endeavours  to  end  the  great 
schism,  and  reform  the  Church  in  head  and  mem- 
bers, begging  them,  until  a  final  decision  should 
be  come  to  by  the  council,  to  observe  a  strict  neu- 
trality between  the  rival  claimants  of  the  popedom. 
Wenceslas  was  travelling  in  Lusatia  and  Silesia, 
some  time  in  September,  when  the  letter  of  the 
cardinals  reached  him.  He  summoned  the  Silesian 
princes  and  other  prominent  laymen  and  clerics  to 
meet  him  for  consultation  in  November  at  Breslau, 


SECESSION   OF   THE   GERMAN   MAGISTERS.         109 

and  on  the  24tb  of  that  month  replied  to  the 
cardinals,  that  it  was  his  intention  to  act  in 
accordance  with  their  request,  and  to  send  his 
ambassadors  to  the  council,  provided  that  they 
recognized  him  as  the  rightful  King  of  the  Eomans, 
and  engaged  to  treat  his  ambassadors  accordingly. 
For  further  negotiation  he  accredited  to  them 
Magister  John  "Cardinal"  of  Keinstein,  a  friend 
of  Hus,  by  whom  he  had  been  presented  for  the 
degree  of  M.A.  in  1404.  It  would  seem  that 
Wenceslas  also  consulted  the  principal  Bohemian 
magisters  in  the  University  of  Prague  respecting 
this  matter,  and  that  the  proceedings  of  the 
cardinals  met  with  their  decided  approval ;  but  the 
date  of  his  so  doing  is  not  ascertained.  No  doubt 
it  must  have  caused  joy  and  enthusiasm  in  their 
hearts,  when  the  long-desired  reform  in  the  Church 
was  publicly  made  the  end  and  object  of  a  general 
council.  But  for  that  very  reason  the  adversaries  of 
reform,  dreading  the  loss  of  their  gainful  simoniacal 
practices  and  voluptuous  mode  of  life,  rose  up  in 
opposition,  and  led  Archbishop  Zbynek  into  resist- 
ance to  the  views  of  King  Wenceslas,  as  soon  as 
the  question  of  the  adhesion  of  the  Bohemian  clergy 
to  the  neutrality  requested  by  the  cardinals  came 
upon  the  ta2ns. 

Shortly  after  St.  Gallus's  day  (October  15th), 
1408,  two  friends  of  Hus,  Stanislas  of  Znaym  and 
Stephen  of  Palecz,  preceded  Magister  John  Cardinal 
to  Italy  with  a  commission  of  some  kind  from  the 
king.     By  orders  of  the  legate,  Cardinal  Balthazar 


110  JOHN   HUS. 


Cossa,  tliey  were  arrested  at  Bologna,  tlieir  property 
taken  from  them,  and  themselves  cast  into  prison 
as  suspected  heretics.  This  was  doubtless  the 
result  of  the  intrigues  of  their  enemies  at  home, 
the  legate,  in  hopes  of  future  elevation,  being  a 
staunch  supporter  of  the  united  cardinals,  and  thus 
having  no  special  reason  for  unfavourable  feeling 
towards  Bohemians.  Stanislas  had  already  been 
entangled  with  the  archbishop's  court  on  account 
of  his  treatise  on  the  sacrament  of  the  altar,  and 
this  was  the  principal  charge  brought  against  him 
at  Bologna.  On  hearing  of  their  imprisonment, 
Hus  and  others  exerted  themselves  in  their  favour, 
and  a  formal  letter  was  sent  by  the  university 
under  the  seal  of  the  rector,  on  December  6th, 
to  the  cardinals  at  Pisa,  petitioning  for  their 
liberation. 

Not  long  afterwards  King  Wenceslas  quitted 
Breslau  and  came  to  Kuttenberg.  He  had  required 
the  university  to  express  its  opinion  as  to  the 
question  of  neutrality  between  the  rival  popes,  in 
order  to  get  over  the  difficulties  raised  by  the  arch- 
bishop in  that  respect.  In  the  meeting  convoked  for 
the  purpose,  the  magisters  of  the  Bohemian  "nation" 
delivered  their  opinions  in  entire  accordance  with 
the  king's  wishes,  while  the  other  three  "nations" 
opposed  them.  The  three  "nations"  were  undoubt- 
edly in  the  majority,  but  the  rector,  Hening  of  Bal- 
tenhagen,  did  not  venture  on  direct  contradiction 
to  the  king's  will,  and  the  meeting  dispersed  with- 
out coming  to  any  definite  conclusion.     The  Bohe- 


SECESSION   OF   THE  GERMAN   MAGISTERS.         Ill 

mian  magisters  adhered  to  their  opinion,  and  Hns  in 
particular  exerted  himself  personally  with  the  nobles 
and  others  in  high  station,  as  well  as  by  sermons 
addressed  to  both  clergy  and  laity,  to  procure  general 
acceptance  of  neutrality  between  the  popes  in  the 
interest  of  the  unity  of  the  Church,  without,  how- 
ever, asking  for  further  renunciation  of  obedience 
to  Gregory  XII.,  than  so  far  as  concerned  his  dis- 
pute with  the  rival  pope.  But  Archbishop  Zbynek 
saw  in  this  an  offence  against  obedience  to  the 
Church,  and  punished  it  by  suspending  Hus  and 
all  magisters  of  the  university,  who  had  expressed 
themselves  in  favour  of  neutrality,  from  the  per- 
formance of  all  priestly  duties  in  his  diocese.  Hus 
wrote  a  letter  to  the  archbishop  on  the  subject, 
explaining  his  views  on  the  question,  but  it  is  not 
known  with  what  result. 

Meanwhile  the  variance  between  the  "  nations  " 
in  the  university  became  more  pronounced,  the 
Bohemian  "nation,"  as  it  ripened  more  and  more 
to  self-consciousness,  feeling  the  predominance  of 
the  other  three  "nations"  an  intolerable  grievance. 
To  understand  the  situation  fully  we  must  recur  to 
the  foundation  of  the  university.  The  aims  of  the 
Emperor  Charles  IV.  in  founding  the  University  of 
Prague  by  a  "  golden  bull,"  in  1348,  were  rather 
dynastic  and  imperial  than  national  and  patriotic. 
As  Paris  was  the  great  university  of  the  Langues 
cVoc  ct  cVoil,  so  did  Charles  design  that  Prague  should 
become  the  great  university  of  the  German  empire, 
and  of  all  nations  lying  on  its  borders,  which  might 


112  JOHN   HUS. 


Bome  day  be  incorporated  with  it.  He  therefore 
divided  it  into  four  ''nations,"  in  all  but  one  of 
which  the  German  element  became  practically 
dominant,  owing  to  the  large  and  populous  German 
towns,  like  Breslau,  in  districts  otherwise  Slavonic. 
These  "nations,"  each  of  whom  had  an  equal  voice, 
were  (1)  the  Bohemian,  including  the  Moravians, 
Hungarians,  and  South  Slavonians ;  (2)  the  Ba- 
varian, including  the  Austrians,  Swabians,  Fran- 
conians,  andEliinelanders;  (3)  The  Polish,  including 
the  Silesians,  Lithuanians,  and  Eussians ;  and  (4) 
the  Saxons,  containing  the  people  of  Meissen,  of 
Thuringia,  of  Upper  and  Lower  Saxonj^,  the  Danes 
and  the  Swedes.  This  arrangement  was  successful 
enough,  so  long  as  Prague  was  the  capital  and  the 
King  of  Bohemia  the  head  of  the  German  empire, 
but  it  was  manifestly  unsuited  to  the  state  of  things 
that  arose  after  the  deposition  of  Wenceslas  in 
1400.  The  foundation  of  the  University  of  Cracow 
in  Poland  in  the  same  year  had  also  a  disastrous 
effect  upon  that  of  Prague,  reducing,  as  it  did,  the 
Polish  ''nation  "  there  almost  entirely  to  Germans 
from  Silesia,  Prussia,  and  Pomerania,  so  that  the 
Bohemian  "nation"  had  now  to  contend  against 
what  had  practically  become  three  thoroughly 
Teutonic  bodies. 

The  accounts  we  have  of  the  proceedings  that 
took  place  are  extremely  fragmentar}^,  and  we  do 
not  know  who  it  was  that  originated  the  idea  of 
upsetting  the  hitherto  existing  relations  and  placing 
preponderating  x^ower  in   the  hands    of    natives. 


SECESSION   OF   THE  GERMAN   MAGISTERS,        113 

Thus  much,  however,  is  certain,  that  among  the 
Bohemian  magisters  Hus  came  prominently  for- 
ward in  the  matter,  and  tJiat  the  principal  "  favour- 
ites "  of  King  Wenceslas  exerted  themselves  to  carry 
it  through,  probably  considering  it  the  most  con- 
venient mode  of  fulfilling  the  king's  wish  to  obtain 
the  approval  of  the  university  for  the  position  of 
neutrality  between  the  rival  popes.  In  understand- 
ing with  the  ''favourites,"  Hus  sought  first  of  all 
to  secure  unanimity  on  the  point  in  the  Bohemian 
''nation"  itself,  whatever  might  be  the  views  of  its 
members  in  other  respects.  In  particular  he  con- 
ferred with  Magister  Andrew  of  Brod,  and  asked 
him  seriously  whether  he  considered  the  measure 
a  righteous  one.  Andrew  gave  a  decided  assent 
and  inquu'ed  of  Hus  in  turn,  whether  any  liberator 
was  to  be  found  for  them.  Hus  replied:  "I  hope 
we  shall  have  a  liberator,"  meaning  probably 
Nicholas  of  Prague,  one  of  the  king's  privy  council- 
lors and  chief  secretary  of  the  king's  revenues  at 
Kuttenberg,  to  whom  the  eventual  fulfilment  of  the 
wishes  of  the  Bohemian  magisters  was  mainly  due. 
It  is  pretty  clear  that,  after  private  conferences  of 
this  nature,  a  resolution  was  come  to  by  the  entire 
"body  of  the  Bohemian  "nation  "  to  address  a  peti- 
tion to  the  king  to  the  above  effect ;  and  also  that 
the  German  magisters  took  counsel  together  to 
bring  the  plans  of  the  Bohemians'to  nought. 

Very  early  in  1409,  an  embassy  from  the  King 
of  France  came  to  King  Wenceslas  at  Kuttenberg, 
charged  with  the  duty  of  negotiating  with  himrespect- 

I 


114  JOHN  HUS. 


ing  the  proposed  renunciation  of  obedience  to  both 
popes.      Wenceslas  summoned  the  rector  of  the 
university  and  the  principal  magisters  of  all  four 
"nations"  to  consultation  on  this  important  subject. 
Amongst  these  were  the  Professors  of  Theology,  John 
Elias  and  Andrew  of  Brod,  and  also  John  Hus  and 
his  younger  friend   Jerome  of  Prague.      It  would 
seem  that  the  French  ambassadors  laid  their  case 
before  the  king  in  presence  of  the  magisters,  whose 
opinion  was  then  requested  by  his  majesty.    It  was 
now  no  longer  possible  to  conceal  the  difference  of 
opinion   among   them.     The  Bohemian  magisters 
approved,  while  the  Germans  opposed,  the  French 
proposal.     It  is  not  known  whether  it  was  before 
or  after  this,  that  the  question  of  the  alteration  in 
the   constitution   of    the   university,    so   earnestly 
desired  by  the  Bohemian  "nation,"  was  first  taken 
into  consideration.     On  this  occasion  the  German 
magisters  first  entreated  the  king  to  protect  them 
in  their  ancient  rights  and  privileges,  which  Wen- 
ceslas promised  to  do.     Then,  and  not  till  then,  did 
the  Bohemian  magisters  prefer  their  request,  which 
the  king  listened  to  in  angry  mood.     Turning,  it  is 
said,  to  Hus,  he  said  to  him  angrily,  that  he  and 
his  associate  Jerome  were  continually  creating  dis- 
turbances ;  if  those  whose  duty  it  was  did  not  look 
to  this,  he  would  himself  cause  a  fire  to  be  kindled 
for  them.     But  ere  long,  through  the  intervention 
of  the  king's  councillors,  matters  took  a  different 
turn,    and  Wenceslas   fulfilled  the   desire   of    the 
Bohemian  magisters  in  overflowing  measure.     A 


SECESSION   OF  THE   GERMAN  MAGISTERS.        115 

royal  decree,  dated  Kuttenberg,  .January  19tli, 
1409,  ^Yas  issued  to  the  rector  and  the  whole  society 
of  the  University  of  Prague,  in  which  it  was  de- 
clared iniquitous  and  highly  improper,  that  the 
German  "  nation,"  possessing  no  native  rights  in 
the  land  of  Bohemia,  should  claim  three  votes  in 
all  proceedings  of  the  university,  while  the  Bohe- 
mian "nation,"  the  rightful  inheritor  of  the  land, 
had  hitherto  possessed  only  one  ;  wherefore  the  king 
ordained,  that  henceforth  the  Bohemian  "nation" 
should  enjoy  three  votes  in  all  consultations,  trials, 
examinations,  elections,  and  all  other  acts  and 
proceedings  whatsoever,  even  as  the  French  nation 
in  the  University  of  Paris,  and  other  nations  in 
Lombardy  and  Italy  in  their  several  universities. 

Hus  received  by  a  trusty  hand  a  coj)y  of  the 
king's  letter  before  any  one  else.  He  had  mean- 
while fallen  seriously  ill — some  say  from  chagrin 
at  the  reception  he  had  met  with  from  the  king — 
and  the  two  professors,  John  Elias  and  Andrew 
of  Brod,  came  to  visit  him.  Hus  again  put  to 
them  the  question  whether  they  deemed  it  just 
that  the  Bohemian  nation  should  possess  three 
votes  in  the  University  of  Prague  ?  "  God  grant 
it,"  said  they,  "but  we  shall  never  obtain  it." 
Then  he  showed  them  the  copy  of  the  royal  letter, 
the  contents  of  which  filled  their  hearts  wdth  un- 
expected comfort.  Hus  had  at  that  time  little 
expectation  of  recovery,  and  exhorted  them,  should 
he  be  called  away,  to  exert  themselves  for  the  sake 
of  justice  and  for  the  liberation  of  their  nation. 


116  JOHN   HUS. 


Four  clays  after  the  issue  of  this  decree  a  royal 
edict  was  also  issued  (January  22nd),  from  Kutten- 
berg,  wherein  all  persons,  especially  spiritual 
persons,  of  whatever  office  or  dignity,  were  pro- 
hibited from  either  receiving  or  keeping  in  their 
possession  any  documents  from  Pope  Gregory 
relating  either  to  rights  or  favours,  or  from  making 
any  payments  to  him,  until  the  unity  of  the  Church 
was  renewed ;  and  all  royal  officials,  and  also  the 
magistrates  of  cities,  towns  and  villages,  were  com- 
manded to  arrest  and  bring  before  the  king  every 
one  who  disobeyed  this  ordinance.  Wenceslas  then 
returned  to  Prague,  and  on  February  16th,  con- 
cluded a  solemn  agreement  with  Cardinal  Landulf, 
the  legate  commissioned  by  both  colleges  of 
cardinals,  in  which  he  engaged  to  assist  them  in 
their  undertaking  with  all  his  power,  to  send  his 
ambassadors  to  the  council  to  be  held  at  Pisa, 
and  in  every  way  to  prevent  obedience  being  paid 
in  any  of  his  crown  lands  to  Gregory  XII.  until 
the  final  decision  of  the  council.  In  return 
Cardinal  Landulf  engaged,  in  the  name  of  the 
united  cardinals,  that  the  council  would  look  to 
Wenceslas  as  the  only  true  King  of  the  Piomans, 
and  in  particular  would  assist  him  with  all  its 
power  for  the  humiliation  of  his  rival  in  the 
empire,  the  Elector  Palatine,  Eui)rccht.  On  j\Iarch 
4th,  the  king  nominated  an  embassy,  which  was 
to  rex^resent  him  with  plenipotentiary  powers  at  the 
council,  and  aid  it  in  every  v:aj.  At  the  head  of 
this   was   Wenceslas,   Patriarch   of    Antioch,   anc] 


SECESSION   OF   THE   GERMAN   MAGISTEES.       117 

amongst  its  subordinate  members  was  a  privy 
comicillor,  Dr.  John  Naz  (Nasus),  a  .Doctor  of  Law 
and  Canon  of  Prague,  of  whom  we  shall  hear  more 
hereafter. 

Meanwhile  the  royal  decree  respecting  the  three 
votes  had  been  publicly  proclaimed  in  an  assembly 
of  all  four  "nations"  in  the  university  on  January 
26th.  The  members  of  the  three  German  "nations  " 
were  naturally  exasperated  at  its  tenour,  and  re- 
solved not  to  rest  contented  under  it.  They  entered 
into  an  engagement  together,  rather  to  emigrate  from 
Prague  than  submit  to  the  new  order  of  things, 
and  bound  themselves  by  an  oath  so  to  do,  and 
never  more  to  return  to  the  University  of  Prague, 
under  the  fourfold  penalty  of  the  guilt  of  perjury, 
excommunication,  loss  of  honour,  and  a  fine  of 
100  kops  of  groschen,  but  with  the  proviso,  that 
all  exertions  should  be  used  both  with  the  king 
and  with  other  persons  of  importance  to  obtain  the 
revocation  of  the  decree.  To  this  end  they  pre- 
sented, on  February  6th,  a  written  petition  to  King 
Wenceslas,  praying  him  to  maintain  them  in  the 
ancient  system,  which  they  could  not  surrender 
with  honour,  and  representing  to  him  that  the 
arrangement  by  which  three  votes  were  given  to  the 
Bohemian  "nation"  was  extremely  grievous,  yea, 
intolerable  to  them,  and  that,  if  it  remained  in 
force  and  validity,  its  result  would  be  the  ex- 
termination of  their  "nations"  and  the  ruin  of 
the  whole  university.  If,  however,  the  Bohemian 
"nation"  considered  it  a  detriment  to  itself  that 


1J8  JOHN  HUS. 


each  of  the  three  "  nations  "  should  be  equal  to  it 
as  heretofore,  they  prayed  the  king  to  separate  the 
Bohemian  "nation"  from  the  rest,  and  asked  that 
the  Bohemians  might  have  a  council  and  tribunals 
of  their  own,  and  their  own  examinations  and 
elections,  a,s  also  the  other  three  "nations."  In 
consequence  of  this  further  negotiations  began 
between  the  parties  at  the  king's  court,  on  account 
of  which  both  Bohemian  and  German  magisters 
journeyed  to  the  king  at  Zebrak  and  Tocznik, 
whither  he  had  gone  from  Prague  in  April.  The 
Germans  rested  their  claims  mainly  upon  old 
custom  and  the  long  observed  statutes  of  the 
university',  even  accusing  the  Bohemian  magisters 
of  perjur}'-,  on  the  ground  that  every  member  of  the 
university  was  required  to  swear  to  the  observance 
of  the  statutes.  The  Bohemians,  on  the  other  hand, 
appealed  to  the  king's  inherent  power  of  altering  the 
statutes  as  much  as  any  other  laws  in  the  land ;  to 
the  natural  right  of  Bohemians  to  have  precedence 
in  their  own  country,  as  the  Germans  had  in  their 
own  Universities  of  Vienna  and  Heidelberg,  and 
linally  to  the  fact,  "  that,  by  God's  help,  the  fulness 
of  time  had  come,  when  the  Bohemian  had  multi- 
plied beyond  the  Teutonic  magisters,  and  had  risen 
above  the  foreigners  in  every  science  and  faculty;  " 
wherefore  they  contended,  that  what  might  have 
]>een  grounded  in  reason  at  the  first  beginnings  of 
the  university  was  no  longer  adapted  to  present 
circumstances. 

During  these  proceedings  the  German  magisters 


SECESSION   OF   THE   GERMAN  M AGISTERS.        119 

hindered  in  every  way  the  actual  realization  of 
the  new  arrangements.  In  particular,  when  Lent 
arrived,  and  with  it  the  usual  time  of  examination 
for  the  B.A.  degree,  the  Germans  elected  an  ex- 
aminer from  each  "nation"  according  to  the  old 
system.  The  Bohemians  resisted,  appealing  to 
their  new  right  to  three  votes,  and  thus  the  exami- 
nation was  prevented  from  taking  place  at  all. 
But  the  exertions  of  the  German  magisters  with  the 
king  and  his  council  were  eventually  fruitless.  It 
would  appear  that  a  proposal  was  at  one  time  made 
to  i)lace  natives  and  foreigners  on  an  equal  footing 
in  the  university,  so  that  the  rector,  the  Dean  of 
the  Faculty  of  Arts,  and  the  examiners  should  be 
chosen  each  half-yeay  alternately  from  Bohemians 
and  foreigners,  hut  it  led  to  no  result.  On  St. 
George's  day  (April  23rd),  1409,  the  time  came  for 
the  election  of  the  rector  and  the  deans  of  faculties, 
but  the  German  magisters  refused  to  submit  to  the 
new  system,  and  thus  the  elections  became  impos- 
sible. When  more  than  a  fortnight  had  elapsed 
after  the  usual  day  of  election,  King  Wenceslas 
determined  to  fill  up  the  vacant  official  positions  in 
the  university  by  an  extraordinary  exercise  of  his 
own  authority.  By  the  king's  command  a  meeting 
of  the  university  was  convoked  on  May  9th,  which 
was  attended  by  Nicholas  of  Prague,  as  royal  com- 
missioner, accompanied  by  the  magistrates  of  the 
Old  Town.  Almost  all  the  magisters  of  all  four 
*'  nations  "  were  present.  The  royal  commissioner 
first  required  the  Rector,  Hening  of  Baltenhagen, 


120  JOHN   HUS. 


to  deliver  up  to  liim  the  seal  and  matriculation 
book  of  the  university,  as  the  insignia  of  the 
rectorial  office.  This  he  did,  it  is  said,  through 
fear,  and  Lord  Nicholas  then  ordered  a  royal  decree 
to  he  read  in  the  court  of  the  Carolinum,  by  which 
Zdenek  of  Labaun,  a  canon  of  Prague,  Magister  of 
Arts,  and  Bachelor  of  Medicine,  who  was  clerk 
of  the  royal  kitchen,  was  nominated  rector  of  the 
University,  and  Magister  Simon  of  Tisnow,  one  of 
Hus's  younger  followers,  Dean  of  the  Faculty  of 
Arts.  No  mention  occurs  in  extant  notices  of  the 
deans  of  the  other  faculties  or  of  the  Faculty  of 
Law,  which  indeed  formed  a  separate  body  in  the 
university,  and  was  but  slightly,  if  at  all,  affected 
by  the  change  of  system.  The  German  magisters 
refused  to  submit  to  these  nominations  by  royal 
authority,  while  the  Bohemians  willingly  recognized 
them,  and  Nicholas  of  Prague  without  more  ado 
proceeded  to  institute  the  nominees  of  the  cro"s\Ti 
into  their  several  offices. 

The  Germans  now  acted  in  accordance  with  their 
oath.  Magisters,  Bachelors  and  Students  sold 
their  goods  and  on  an  appointed  day,  shortly  after 
Ascension-day  (May  IGth),  all  quitted  Prague,  some 
on  foot,  others  on  horseback  or  in  vehicles,  to  the 
number  of  several  thousands.  Exactitude  as  to 
the  details  however  is  not  to  be  obtained.  Mnea,a 
Sylvius,  in  his  "History  of  Bohemia,"  informs  us, 
that  two  thousand  left  Prague  in  a  single  day,  and 
that  these  were  followed  ere  long  by  three  thousand 
more,  while   a   contemporary  Bohemian  annalist 


SECESSION   OF  THE  GERMAN   MAGISTERS.        121 

states  that  more  than  twenty  thousand  thus  de- 
parted. Most  of  them  migrated  to  Leipsic,  where 
in  the  course  of  the  same  year  a  new  university 
was  founded  by  the  Margraves  of  Meissen. 

This  event  naturally  caused  great  excitement  in 
Prague,  and  men's  feelings  varied  a  good  deal. 
The  German  inhabitants  doubtless  bewailed  the 
loss  of  the  pecuniary  advantages  arising  from  such 
numerous  sojourners,  many  of  whom  were  wealthy, 
whereas  the  Bohemians  saw  therein  an  important 
gain  to  the  power  and  influence  of  their  own 
nationality.  Hus,  who  had  meanwhile  recovered 
from  his  illness,  addressed  his  congregation  at 
Bethlehem  on  the  subject,  speaking  of  it  as  a  joy- 
ful victory  for  Bohemia,  and  urging  his  hearers  to 
give  especial  thanks  to  Lord  Nicholas  for  having 
obtained  this  important  concession  from  the  king. 
The  king  himself  looked  upon  the  conspiracy  and 
migration  of  the  German  professors  as  a  crime, 
not  only  against  the  university,  but  also  against 
himself  and  the  realm,  and  by  edict  dated  June 
28th,  pronounced  their  banishment  at  Zebrak  and 
nominated  others  to  their  places  in  the  university 
and  colleges. 

The  results  of  these  changes  in  both  Bohemia 
and  Germany  were  great  and  important.  Prague 
had  for  half  a  century  stood  on  a  level  with  Paris 
and  Oxford,  as  one  of  the  most  influential  universi- 
ties in  Em-ope.  Witness  a  letter  from  the  Council 
of  Constance  to  King  Sigismund  in  1416  !  "  That 
splendid   University   of    Prague,"   it  runs,   "was 


122  JOHN   HUS. 


counted  among  the  greater  jewels  of  our  world. 
For  of  all  the  universities  of  the  German  nation  it 
bore  not  undeservedly  the  character  of  being  the 
greatest,  flowing  as  there  did  to  it  from  all  the 
realms  and  lordships  of  Almayne  youths  and  men 
of  mature  age,  alike  through  love  of  virtue  and 
study,  who,  seeking  the  treasure  of  philosophy  and 
knowledge,  found  it  there  in  abundance."  All  this 
was  gone  at  one  fell  swoop ;  Prague  was  no  longer 
the  intellectual  capital  of  Germany,  and  intellect, 
instead  of  being  concentrated  in  one  grand  centre, 
now  shone  in  various  focal  points  in  the  lands 
inhabited  by  the  Teutonic  race,  and  developed  itself 
with  greater  freedom  and  diversit3\  On  the  other 
hand,  the  idea  of  "  Bohemia  for  the  Bohemians  !  " 
became  dominant  throughout  the  realm,  and  with 
it  was  united  a  great  impulse  towards  the  develop- 
ment of  reforming  views  in  matters  ecclesiastical. 
In  fact  the  discontent  of  the  sufferers  in  pocket  by 
the  migration  of  the  Germans  was  completely  car- 
ried away  by  the  great  stream  of  Church-reforming 
ideas,  which  took  full  possession  of  the  minds  of 
the  Bohemian  peo^^le. 

Meanwhile  negotiations  had  been  going  on  for 
the  release  of  the  two  captives  at  Bologna,  Stanislas 
of  Znaym  and  Stephen  of  Palecz.  King  Wences- 
las's  personal  intercession,  as  well  by  letter  ad- 
dressed to  the  cardinals,  as  by  oral  representations 
made  to  them  through  his  ambassador,  John  Car- 
dinal of  Eeinstein,  was  eventually  decisive  in  their 
favour,   and  they  were   allowed   to  return   homo 


CONTEST  BETWEEN  THE  KING  AND  ARCHBISHOP.    123 

shortly  after  the  migration  of  tlio  Germans  from 
the  university.  Stanislas,  however,  was  previously 
constrained  to  ''complete"  his  "unfinished" 
treatise,  i.e.  so  to  amend  and  alter  it,  that  it  was 
adjudged  to  be  free  from  error,  a  judgment  which 
was  confirmed  by  the  new  pope  elected  by  the 
council,  Alexander  V. 

Meanwhile  also  the  difference  between  the  king 
and  Archbishop  Zbynek,  as  to  withholding  or  not 
withholding  obedience  from  Gregory  XII.,  had 
caused  great  troubles  and  considerable  excesses 
against  the  clergy,  not  only  in  Prague,  but  also 
throughout  Bohemia.  The  Archbishop  had  re- 
fused to  fall  in  with  the  edicts  issued  by  the  king 
in  understanding  with  the  cardinals  and  their 
plenipotentiaries  at  Prague,  and  the  mass  of  the 
clergy  had  followed  his  example.  Several  members 
of  the  clerical  body  having  suffered  both  in  person 
and  property  from  the  execution  of  the  injunctions 
of  the  royal  edict.  Archbishop  Zbynek  placed  Prague 
and  its  environs,  to  the  distance  of  about  nine 
English  miles,  under  an  interdict.  It  would  seem 
that  Hus  and  his  friends  disapproved  of  this  inter- 
dict, and  they  unquestionably  paid  little  or  no 
attention  to  it.  After  a  sermon  preached  by  Hus, 
probably  with  especial  reference  to  the  subject,  the 
people  rushed  with  outcries  into  the  street  and 
crowded  with  threats  to  the  archbishop's  palace. 
Though  nothing  worse  took  place,  yet  this  was 
probably  the  cause  of  the  retirement  of  the  arch- 
bishop from  Prague  to  his  country  seat  at  Eaudnitz, 


l'2i<  JOHN   HUS. 


■whither,  without  the  king's  permission  or  know- 
ledge, he  also  conveyed  the  treasures  usually  kept 
in  the  tomh  of  St.  Wenceslas  in  the  cathedral. 
Irritated  hy  this,  the  king  proceeded  to  persecute 
all  ecclesiastics  who  joined  the  archbishoj)  in  resist- 
ing his  orders,  or  who  put  a  stop  to  Divine  service 
on  account  of  the  interdict.  The  estates  and 
revenues  of  those  who  had  quitted  Prague  with  the 
archbishop  were  confiscated,  and  others  were 
assailed,  not  only  by  the  officials  of  the  towns,  but 
also  by  the  common  people,  who  bore  them  no 
goodwill  on  account  of  their  inveterate  abuses. 
Some  were  robbed,  others  insulted  in  various  w^ays; 
some  were  dragged  out  of  their  houses  half-naked 
along  with  their  concubines  and  placed  in  the 
pillory ;  mud  was  thrown  at  them,  they  were  ducked 
or  hunted  with  ignominy  out  of  the  towns,  and 
many  laymen  also,  who  took  their  part,  were  mal- 
treated and  banished  from  the  different  com- 
muuities. 

Although  the  new  pope,  Alexander  V.,  had  been 
elected  by  the  council  of  Pisa  in  June,  yet  this 
persecution  of  the  clergy  in  Bohemia  did  not  reach 
its  height  till  the  latter  part  of  July  (1409),  owing, 
no  doubt,  to  the  refusal  of  Archbishop  Zbynek  to 
recognize  the  pope  approved  and  supported  by 
the  council.  But,  finding  public  opinion  and 
royal  ]K:)wer  combined  against  him,  ho  at  length 
ceased  his  impotent  resistance  with  no  little  loss  in 
influence  and  estimation.  After  consulting  his 
suffragans,  his  chapter  and  other  spiritual  persons, 


CONTEST  BETWEEN  THE  KING  AND  ARCHBISHOP.   125 

he,  on  September  2nd,  issued  an  ordinance  to  the 
clergy  of  his  diocese,  announcing  his  adhesion  to 
Alexander  V.,  as  regularly  elected  and  acknow- 
ledged by  the  majority  of  the  Church  after  the 
deposition  of  the  two  preceding  popes  by  a  general 
council.  Upon  this  the  bells  were  rung,  and  a  "Te 
Deum"  sung  at  Prague,  and  on  the  next  day  the 
public  joy  was  expressed  by  bonfires  in  front  of  the 
houses  in  all  the  streets,  to  the  number  of  full  six 
hundred,  and  by  a  procession  on  horseback  headed 
by  the  burgomaster  and  magistrates  in  the  evening 
with  festive  music. 


126  JOHN  HUS. 


CHAPTEE  V. 

JOHN    HUS   AND    HIS    FOLLOWERS    AT    VARIANCE   WITH 
ARCHBISHOP    ZBYNEK. 

The  half-year  for  wliicli  Magister  Zdenek  of  Labaim 
liacl  beeu  appointed  rector  of  the  university  by  the 
king,  was  now  drawing  to  a  close.  He  therefore  on 
September  27th,  1409,  convoked  a  meeting  of  the 
magisters,  in  which  it  was  resolved,  that  the  royal 
decree  respecting  the  three  votes  of  the  Bohemian 
"nation"  should  be  entered  in  the  statute-books, 
and  that  all  that  was  not  in  accordance  "svith  it  in 
the  existing  institutions  of  the  university  should 
henceforth  be  null  and  void.  A  new  mode  of  elect- 
ing the  rector  of  the  three  faculties  was  therefore 
instituted,  which  was  to  rest,  as  aforetime,  on  the 
basis  of  the  division  of  the  university  into  four 
"nations;"  but  the  Bohemian  "nation"  was  to 
choose  three  electors,  and  the  others  together  one  ,- 
and  if  the  votes  of  these  electors  were  equally 
divided,  the  outgoing  rector  was  to  have  a  casting 
vote.     These  resolutions  were  announced  and  ap- 


HUS  AT  VARIANCE  WITH  THE  ARCHBISHOP.      127 

proved  in  a  full  assembly  of  the  university  on 
October  13tb,  and  immediately  afterwards,  on  St. 
Gallus's  day,  October  15tb,  Hus  was  tbe  first 
rector  chosen  under  tbe  new  system  for  tbe  half- 
year  ending  on  St.  George's  day,  1410. 

With  this  renewed  elevation  to  the  highest  dignity 
in  tbe  University  of  Prague  began  for  Hus  a  period 
of  ever-increasing  troubles  on  tbe  path  of  public  life, 
from  which  scarce  any  respite  was  granted  him  till 
he  finally  underwent  a  martyr's  death.  Tbe  en- 
deavours for  the  reform  of  the  Church,  to  which, 
after  the  example  of  the  noblest  spirits  of  several 
preceding  centuries,  he  had  devoted  all  his  powers, 
might  to  a  great  extent  have  attained  their  end  in 
Bohemia  in  peaceful  and  legal  wise,  had  the  highest 
authorities  of  the  Church  in  tbe  realm  interested 
themselves  therein,  in  tbe  way  in  which  they 
seemed  about  to  do  at  tbe  commencement  of  the 
Archbishopric  of  Zbynek  Zajitz  of  Hasenburg.  But 
all  hope  thereof  vanished  with  the  change  of  senti- 
ment on  the  part  of  the  ignorant  and  ill-informed 
Archbishop,  who  allowed  himself  to  be  drawn  by 
contrary  counsels  from  the  good  path  which  he  had 
begun  to  tread.  The  injuries  and  insults  which 
the  archbishop  and  his  clergy  experienced  in  their 
ill-advised  attempt  to  resist  and  upset  tbe  council 
of  Pisa,  exasperated  them  still  more  against  Hus 
and  his  adherents,  who  had  placed  themselves  in 
an  attitude  of  opposition  to  them.  Unquestionably 
Hus,  amongst  others,  had  disregarded  tbe  prohibi- 
tion of  the  performance  of  priestly  duties,  which 


128  JOHN  HUS. 


the  archbishop  had  issued  at  the  beginning  of  the 
dispute.  Self-evident,  too,  it  is  that,  when  the  arch- 
bishop was  compelled  to  give  in  his  adhesion  to 
Alexander  V.,  and  thus  approve  what  he  had  pre- 
viously condemned,  the  right  of  punishing  those 
who  had  supported  the  winning  cause  must  neces- 
sarily fall  to  the  ground.  But  Archbishop  Zbynek's 
advisers  ere  long  devised  more  effective  means  of 
persecuting  their  adversaries,  in  order  to  liberate 
themselves  from  the  annoyance  of  those  adversaries' 
persistent  exertions  in  the  cause  of  reform.  And 
although  Hub  had  steadily  rejected  those  doctrines 
of  Wycliffe,  which  had  been  condemned  by  the 
Church,  yet  it  was  Wycliffism  that  must  serve  as 
a  weapon  against  him ;  he  and  his  friends  must  be 
branded  with  suspicion  of  heresy,  as  restless  and 
dangerous  people,  in  order  that  this  plague-spot 
might  cleave  to  all  their  endeavours,  endeavours 
which  the  archbishop  had  but  a  short  time  ago  him- 
self commended  and  supported. 

Hus  had,  immediately  after  the  presentation  of 
the  complaint  of  the  clergy  against  him  in  1408, 
addressed  to  the  archbishop  an  answer  in  writing  to 
the  accusations  contained  therein;  but  it  is  not 
known  how  far  this  was  considered  satisfactory  or 
sufficient  at  the  time.  When  about  a  year  had 
elapsed,  and  the  archbishop  had  ceased  his  resist- 
ance to  the  pope  elected  by  the  council  of  Pisa,  he 
once  more  ordered  Has  to  justify  himself  with 
regard  to  the  charges  already  made,  and  also 
others  newly  brought  against  him,  before  Magister 


IIUS  AT  VARIANCE   WITH   THE   ARCHBISHOP.     120 


Miiurice  Evaczka,  the  inquisitor.  These  latter  con- 
sisted of  statements  extracted  from  confidential 
conversations  held  nine  and  ten  years  ago,  in  the 
parsonage  of  St.  Michael's,  and  in  the  house  of 
Wenceslas  the  cupmaker,  whence  it  was  en- 
deavoured to  prove  that  Hus  had  accepted  Wy- 
cliffe's  teaching  as  to  the  sacrament  of  the  altar, 
and  also  the  doctrine,  that  a  priest  in  mortal  sin 
does  not  make  the  sacrament.  These  things  were 
brought  forward  against  him  by  his  predecessor  in 
the  preachership  at  Bethlehem,  the  priest  Jan 
Protiva  of  Novaves,  who  had  in  1407  exchanged 
his  benefice  of  Bystritz  for  that  of  St.  Clement  at 
Porzicz,  a  suburb  of  Prague,  and  had  thenceforth 
been  living  in  Prague.  This  man  regularly  attended 
Hus's  sermons  at  Bethlehem,  and  carefully  marked 
vrhat  he  saw,  in  order  to  find  occasion  against  him. 
One  day  Hus  noticed  him,  as  he  sate  with  head 
bent  down,  in  a  grey  mantle,  and  concealing  his 
face  with  his  cowl,  and  called  out  to  him  from 
the  pulpit  in  the  midst  of  an  explanation  of  the 
difference  between  the  laws  of  God  and  the  laws  of 
men:  "Write  that  down,  cowled  monk  !  and  carry 
it  over  to  yon  side,"  i.e.  to  the  archbishop's  palace 
on  the  Kleinseite,  on  the  other  side  of  the  river. 
In  these  complaints  what  Hus  had  said  at  the 
synod  of  1405  against  taking  payment  for  the 
administration  of  the  sacraments,  was  also  brought 
as  a  charge  against  him,  although  it  had  then  been 
publicly  approved  by  the  vicar  general  himself. 
And  his   preaching  at  Bethlehem  was  accused  of 

K 


130  JOHN   HUS. 


seducing  people  from  their  appointed  spiritual 
pastors,  whereas  they  ought  to  remain  in  their  own 
parishes,  and  there  receive  instruction  respecting 
the  laws  of  Christ.  Hus  was  therefore  called  upon 
to  prove  his  right  to  preach  to  people  belonging  to 
other  clergy,  to  perform  Divine  service,  and  to  ad- 
minister the  sacraments  in  his  chapel.  This  w^as  a 
strange  requirement  to  emanate  from  the  arch- 
bishop's chancery,  such  right  being  entirely 
indubitable,  both  by  the  foundation  of  the  chapel 
Bethlehem  itself,  and  by  the  archbishop's  con- 
firmation thereof.  Finally,  from  the  part  taken  by 
Hus  on  the  question  of  the  three  votes  of  the  Bohe- 
mian "  nation  "  in  the  umversit}^  a  charge  was  also 
made  against  him  of  causing  discord  between  the 
Bohemians  and  Germans. 

Hus  not  only  gave  the  answer  requisite  for  his 
justification  at  a  hearing  appointed  by  the  arch- 
bishop, but  also  refuted  the  charges  of  heresy,  and 
of  inciting  the  Bohemians  against  the  Germans,  by  a 
kind  of  public  declaration.  He  appealed  especially 
to  his  hearers  at  Bethlehem  to  bear  witness  that  he 
had  alwaj's  taught  the  contrary  of  the  Wycliffite 
doctrine  respecting  the  sacrament  of  the  altar. 
Archbishop  Zbynek,  however,  and  his  advisers  paid 
no  heed  thereto,  but  in  order  to  strengthen  their  hands 
for  the  campaign  against  him  and  his  tendencies, 
sent  a  deputation  to  Pope  Alexander  V.,  provided,  it 
is  said,  with  rich  and  abundant  presents.  After  the 
delivery  of  these,  it  was  stated  to  the  pope  that  in 
Prague  and  in  the  realm  of  Bohemia,  in  the  Mar- 


HUS  AT   VARIANCE  WITH   THE  ARCHBISHOP.     131 

gravate  of  Moravia,  and  also  in  certain  other  lands, 
the  hearts  of  many  were  infected  with  the  erroneous 
articles  of  John  Wycliffe,  and  especially  with  his 
doctrine  respecting  the  sacrament  of  the  altar,  so 
that  it  was  requisite  to  make  use  of  a  swift  remedy, 
and  as  such  remedy  it  was  suggested,  that,  without 
regard  to  any  right  or  privilege  to  the  contrary,  no 
preaching  should  be  allowed,  save  in  cathedral,  col- 
legiate, parish,  or  conventual  churches.  This  was 
specially  aimed  at  Hus,  whose  chapel  Bethlehem  did 
not  belong  to  any  of  the  four  classes  thus  enume- 
rated, although  there  was  as  yet  no  pretext  for  in- 
hibiting him  personally  from  preaching.  This  depu- 
tation was  headed  by  Jaroslaw,  Bishop  of  Sarepta. 
Archbishop  Zbynek  had  hitherto  enjoyed  no 
great  favour  at  the  court  of  Alexander  V.,  through 
having  so  long  refused  to  recognize  him  and  submit 
to  his  authority.  To  this  we  must  ascribe  the  fact, 
that  the  appeal  of  the  five  students  made  against 
him  in  the  previous  year  had  not  been  altogether 
without  effect.  It  had  apparently  been  delivered 
by  Magister  Marek  of  Hradetz  to  Pope  Alexander 
shortly  after  his  election.  The  pope  had  placed  it 
in  the  hands  of  one  of  his  "  auditors,"  whom  he 
had  empowered  to  cite  the  Archbishop  of  Prague 
for  trial.  This  citation  was  actually  issued  on 
December  8th,  1409,  and  the  archbishop  was  there- 
by required  to  appear  personally  at  the  papal  court. 
But  his  ambassadors,  who  arrived  meanwhile,  soon 
turned  the  current  into  a  direction  advantageous  to 
the  archbishop.     So   that  twelve  days   afterwards 


132  JOHN   HUS. 


(December  20th),  Pope  Alexander  issued  a  bull,  in 
wiiicli  lie  revoked  his  previous  decree  against  the 
archbishop,  and  commissioned  him  to  take  four 
magisters  in  theology  and  two  doctors  of  ecclesias- 
tical law  as  assessors,  and,  in  accordance  with  their 
opinion,  to  prohibit  the  enunciation  of  the  errone- 
ous articles,  by  virtue  of  the  apostolic  authority, 
with  which  he  invested  him ;  to  forbid  all  preach- 
ing in  any  other  places  whatsoever,  save  and  except 
the  four  classes  of  churches  aforesaid;  to  require 
Wycliffe's  books  to  be  given  up  to  him  by  all  who 
possessed  them,  "  that  they  might  be  removed  from 
the  eyes  of  the  faithful ;  "  and  to  proceed  against  all 
w^ho  resisted  any  portion  of  this  decree  by  penal 
measures  to  the  exclusion  of  all  further  right  of 
appeal. 

Pope  Alexander's  bull  did  not  arrive  at  Prague — 
ov>-ing  probably  to  the  bad  state  of  the  roads  in  the 
winter — till  about  March  9th.  Archbishop  Zbj^nek 
immediately  appointed  the  prescribed  commission 
of  four  magisters  in  theology  and  two  doctors 
of  law,  to  examine  the  writings  of  Wycliffe.  As 
soon  as  Hus  became  cognizant  of  the  tenour  of  the 
bull,  he  appealed  to  the  pope  against  it,  disre- 
garding the  prohibition  of  so  doing  contained  in 
the  bull  itself.  He  grounded  his  appeal  on  the 
fact  that  the  pope  w'as  ill-informed,  no  one  in 
Bohemia  having  yet  been  convicted  of  having  obsti- 
nately and  contumaciously  adhered  to  Wycliffe's 
doctrines — yea,  it  being  in  direct  opposition  to  the 
public  declaration  of  the  arclibisbop  at  the  synod 


HUS  AT  VARIANCE  WITH   THE   ARCHBISHOP.      133 

of  1408,  that  be  bad  uot  found  any  one  bolding 
error  iu  Prague  or  elsewhere  in  Bohemia.  There 
was,  of  course,  no  doubt  from  the  first  that  the 
magisters  and  doctors  appointed  by  the  archbishop 
would  consider  the  books  erroneous  and  heretical. 
In  accordance  with  their  report,  and  in  concert 
with  his  suffragans  and  with  the  dean  and  chapter  of 
Prague,  as  well  as  other  dignitaries,  the  archbishop 
caused  his  sentence  to  be  proclaimed  at  the  St. 
Vitus  synod  (June  10th),  whereby  all  the  writings  of 
Wycliffe,  that  had  been  given  up  to  him  "  to  be 
removed  from  the  eyes  of  the  faithful,"  w^ere  to 
be  burned  with  fire ;  the  five  students,  who  had 
appealed  against  the  surrender  of  the  books,  and 
their  legal  representative,  as  also  all  others  who  had 
hitherto  refrained  from  giving  up  their  copies  and 
who  had  kept  their  possession  of  them  secret,  were 
warned  to  surrender  them  within  six  days  ;  defend- 
ing and  teaching  Wycliffe's  errors,  especially  those 
respecting  the  sacrament  of  the  altar,  was  pro- 
hibited under  pain  of  deprivation  of  ecclesiastical 
benefices  and  other  penalties,  for  the  due  execution 
whereof  the  archbishop  threatened  to  employ  the 
secular  arm,  and,  iu  particular,  the  assistance  of 
King  Wenceslas,  as  equally  with  himself  called 
upon  by  the  pope  to  that  effect ;  and,  finally,  preach- 
ing in  all  ''private"  places — that  is  to  say,  every- 
where except  in  cathedral,  collegiate,  parish,  and 
conventual  churches — was,  after  the  expiration  of 
six  days  from  the  publication  of  that  prohibition, 
forbidden  under  pain  of  excommunication. 


134  JOHN   HUS. 


Such  was  the  fatal  step  by  which  the  rehgious 
movement  in  Bohemia,  which  had  been  unfolding 
itself  with  ever  increasing  j)rosperity  since  the  days 
of  Waldhauser  and  Milicz,  was  now  dragged  from 
its  path  of  peaceful  and  legal  development  on  to  the 
rugged  road  of  resistance  and  insurrection.  Arch- 
bishop Zbynek  and  his  advisers  thought  fit  to  make  a 
use  at  once  crafty  and  violent  of  the  Church's  power 
in  order  to  crush  all  efforts  for  Church  reform,  and 
thereby  seriously  injured  the  respect  and  reverence 
hitherto  entertained  for  ecclesiastical  authority. 
For  the  state  of  opinion  respecting  the  necessity 
of  a  change  in  the  corrupt  condition  of  the  clergy 
was  already  such  in  Bohemia,  that  a  firm  resolve 
had  been  unconsciously  formed  to  offer  active 
resistance  to  those  who  opposed  it.  In  conse- 
quence of  this  growth  and  development  of  a  cause 
otherwise  identical,  there  came  to  pass  this  dif- 
ference between  Hus  and  Milicz  or  Mathias  of 
Janow,  that,  whereas  they  meekly  submitted  to 
external  authority,  when  it  declared  against  them, 
Hus  had  the  boldness  to  cast  off  blind  and  implicit 
obedience,  when  he  saw  that  an  improper  use 
was  being  made  of  Church  authority  against  the 
very  end  and  object  of  the  Church.  He  laid  no 
great  stress  on  the  defence  of  the  much-decried 
doctrines  of  Wycliffe.  What  in  them  had  been 
regularly  adjudged  to  be  erroneous  he  was  always 
ready  to  reject,  although  he  took  exceeding  delight 
in  Wycliffe's  writings  considered  as  a  whole.  But 
in  the  prohibition  of  preaching  in  chapels,  intended 


HUS   AT   VAEIANCE   WITH   THE   ARCHBISHOP.     135 

as  it  was  to  put  a  stop  to  the  reprehension  of  domi- 
nant abuses  among  the  clergy  and  to  the  guidance 
of  the  people  to  a  deeper  conception  of  Christian 
doctrine,  he  descried  an  unlawful  assault  upon  the 
freedom  of  God's  Word,  and  thus  an  opposition  to 
the  law  of  Christ  Himself.  This  was  for  him  a 
matter  in  which  it  was  his  duty  to  obey  God  rather 
than  man. 

Pope  Alexander  V.,  to  whom  he  had  appealed, 
having  meanwhile  died  (May  3rd),  Hus  determined 
to  make  a  renewed  appeal  to  the  new  pope,  John 
XXIII.,  who  had  not  long  previously  (June  1st) 
signified,  according  to  custom,  his  accession  to  the 
rector  and  University  of  Prague.  But  his  jfirm  in- 
tention was,  from  the  first,  not  to  submit  to  the 
prohibition  of  preaching  in  chapels.  He  therefore, 
on  the  first  Sunday  after  the  publication  of  the 
prohibition  (June  22nd),  preached  in  Bethlehem  to  a 
congregation  of  unusual  magnitude.  After  making 
mention  of  the  deceased  pope,  who  had  by  his  bull 
commanded  the  extirpation  of  errors  in  Bohemia, 
he  testified,  in  the  first  place,  that,  thanks  be  to 
God,  he  had  never  yet  seen  any  Bohemian  who 
was  a  heretic — that  is,  such  a  one  that  he  had 
obstinately  persisted  in  errors  contrary  to  Holy 
Scripture — and  declared  that  the  Bohemian  "  pre- 
lates "  had  wrongly  informed  the  pope  in  that 
respect.  "  They  lie  !  "  shouted  the  exasperated 
people.  He  spoke,  further,  against  the  projected 
burning  of  Wycliffe's  writings,  which  contained,  he 
said,  much  that   was   good.      He    announced  his 


136  JOHN   HUS. 


intention  of  appealing  against  the  archbishop's 
order,  and  asked  the  people,  whether  they  -would 
stand  by  him  therein.  Again  they  cried:  "We 
will  and  do  stand  by  yon."  Then  he  finally  de- 
clared, that  he  would  not  cease  preaching,  even 
though  he  were  driven  into  exile  or  were  to  die  in 
prison,  and  exhorted  them  to  steadfastness  ;  for  a 
need  was  arising,  even  as  in  the  Old  Testament  ac- 
cording to  the  ordinance  of  Moses,  to  gird  on  the 
sword  and  defend  the  Word  of  God.  These  were 
words  which  found  an  echo  in  all  classes  of  the 
population,  not  only  in  Prague,  but  also  in  the 
whole  realm  of  Bohemia.  Three  days  afterwards 
(June  2oth),  there  was  read  and  published  before  a 
public  notary  and  witnesses  an  appeal  to  Pope 
John  XXIII.,  in  the  names  of  John  Hus  ;  of  Lord 
Zdislaw  of  Zviretitz,  an  M.A. ;  of  three  bachelors 
and  three  students  of  the  University  of  Prague; 
as  also  in  the  name  of  all  other  masters  and 
doctors,  licentiates,  bachelors  and  students  of  the 
said  university ;  also  of  the  lords,  barons,  knights, 
esquires,  rulers  of  circles,  districts,  cities,  castles, 
towns,  villages,  and  communities  ;  and  of  all 
manner  of  persons,  spiritual  and  lay,  who  adhered 
to  them  tlierein. 

The  three  students  were  three  out  of  the  five  who 
had  taken  part  in  the  former  appeal,  two  of  the 
number  having  retired  for  fear  of  excommunication. 
Zdislaw  of  Zviretitz,  otherwise  of  Wartenberg,  was 
a  young  magister,  presented  for  his  degree  on 
March  11th  of  the  selfsame  year  by  Hus  himself. 


HUS  AT   VARIANCE   WLTH   THE   ARCHBISHOP.      137 

The  appellants  employed  as  their  chief  argument 
against  the  burning  of  Wycliffe's  writings,  that  it 
\Yas  unreasonable  to  desire  to  destroy  works  of 
logical,  mathematical,  philosophical,  and  other 
tenour,  containing  no  errors,  but  a  great  deal  that 
was  good ;  and  that  it  was  also  unreasonable  to 
burn  even  heretical  books,  because  the  learned 
required  acquaintance  with  them  in  order  to  be 
able  to  refute  them  and  defend  Christian  truth ; 
declaring  moreover,  with  a  view  to  their  enemies, 
that  they  had  no  intention  of  defending  or  holding 
any  error  contained  in  any  books  whatever,  neither 
had  they  hitherto  held  or  defended  anything  of  the 
kind.  Against  the  prohibition  of  preaching  in 
chapels,  they  appealed  particularly  to  the  privileges 
of  the  chapel  Bethlehem  and  the  beneficial  nature 
of  its  foundation ;  and,  withal,  to  the  ordinance  of 
Christ,  according  to  which  the  Word  of  God  ought 
not  to  be  bound,  but  the  preaching  thereof  ought 
to  be  in  very  deed  most  free,  as  being  profitable 
to  the  Church  above  all  things ;  and  to  the  example 
of  Christ,  who  always  preached,  even  unto  His 
death,  in  schools,  in  the  streets,  on  the  highways, 
on  the  sea,  in  the  fields,  and  in  the  desert. 

On  June  15th,  the  day  before  the  publication  of 
the  archbishop's  orders  in  the  synod,  a  meeting  of 
tho  university  was  convoked  with  regard  to  them — 
their  tenour  being  already  known  by  rumour — by 
the  rector,  John  Sindel,  a  celebrated  magister  in 
medicine,  who  was  Hus's  immediate  successor. 
Then  and  there,  in  the  presence  of  a  large  number 


VS8  JOHN   HUS. 


of  magistcrs,  bachelors  and  students,  it  was  de- 
clared, that  the  university  did  not  agree  with  the 
archbishop  and  "prelates"  in  their  project  of  burn- 
ing the  writings  of  Wycliffe,  and  it  was  resolved  to 
petition  the  king  to  prevent  such  burning,  lest 
shame  should  come  therefrom  on  him,  on  the  whole 
realm,  and  on  the  university.  All  the  magisters 
assented  to  this  resolution,  save  those  few  whom 
the  archbishop  had  selected  as  his  commissioners 
to  sit  in  judgment  upon  the  boohs.  King  Wences- 
las,  upon  the  receipt  of  this  petition,  immediately 
sent  to  the  archbishop  to  make  inquiries.  The 
archbishop  in  consequence  postponed  his  intention 
of  burning  the  books  on  the  morrow  after  their 
condemnation,  and  promised  to  do  nothing  without 
the  king's  consent,  and  in  particular  to  wait  till 
the  arrival  of  Margrave  Jost,  W'ho  was  then  expected 
at  Prague,  and  with  whom  the  king  intended  to 
take  counsel  on  the  subject.  The  margrave  bore 
the  reputation  of  great  devotion  to  literature,  but 
he  was  not  in  the  habit  of  slaking  his  thirst  for 
reading  at  his  own  expense,  but  at  that  of  others, 
from  whom  he  borrowed  books,  which  he  was  not 
over  ready  to  return.  A  few  days  later,  June  21st, 
the  university  also  issued  a  public  declaration, 
that  it  did  not  approve  the  sentence  of  the  arch- 
bishop with  respect  to  the  books,  and  would  not  by 
silence  with  regard  to  it  render  itself  an  accomplice 
in  such  an  act  of  unrighteousness. 

Hus's    appeal    against    the    condemnation    of 
Wycliffe's  writings  and  against  the  prohibition  of 


HUS   AT   VARIANCE   WITH   THE   ARCHBISHOP.     139 

preaching  in  chapels,  as  well  as  these  other  tokens 
of  resistance  to  the  archbishop's  authority,  irritated 
him  or  his  advisers  into  a  fresh  act  of  hostility 
against  Hus.  That  is  to  say,  the  archbishop  sent 
the  pope  a  complaint  against  him,  in  which  he 
designated  him  the  chief  author  and  defender  of 
the  spread  of  Wycliffite  views  in  Bohemia,  accusing 
him  of  preaching  in  disregard  of  the  prohibition  of 
preaching  in  chapels,  and  mentioning  especially 
the  dangerous  tenour  of  his  sermon  at  Bethlehem 
on  June  22nd,  not  without  various  exaggerations 
and  possibly  additions.  On  this  basis  he  requested 
the  pope — (1)  to  empower  him  (the  archbishop), 
without  further  regard  to  any  appeal  whatever,  to 
proceed  under  the  commission  of  the  late  Pope 
Alexander  V.  with  respect  to  Wycliffe's  errors,  and 
(2)  to  cite  Hus  personally  to  the  papal  court,  and 
bring  him  to  answer  and  to  punishment  for  his 
transgressions.  As  Margrave  Jost  continued  absent 
from  Prague  for  a  long  time,  the  archbishop  appears 
to  have  considered  himself  released  from  his  en- 
gagements, and  i^roceeded  to  the  actual  execution 
of  his  decree  with  regard  to  Wycliffe's  writings. 
On  Wednesday,  July  16th,  he  summoned  the 
"  prelates "  and  many  other  ecclesiastics  to  the 
archiepiscopal  palace  on  the  Kleinseite,  caused  the 
doors  to  be  closed  and  guarded  by  armed  men, 
and  the  copies  of  Wycliffe's  works,  which  had  been 
given  up  to  him,  to  be  placed  on  a  pile  of  faggots 
in  the  courtyard.  He  then  with  his  own  hands  set 
the  pile  on  fire  and  thus  delivered  the  books  to  the 


14^0  JOHN   HUS. 


flames.  When  tliey  were  fairly  on  fire,  a  loud 
"  Te  Deum"  was  sung,  and  a  funeral  knell  was 
rung,  ''in  the  expectation,"  as  a  contemporary 
annalist  says,  "  that  they  had  now  the  end  of  all 
troubles,  whereas,  by  the  permission  of  God,  the 
righteous  Judge,  the  troubles  had  but  first  taken 
their  beginning." 

It  would  seem  that  King  Wenceslas  was  not  at 
that  time  at  Prague,  or  this  book-burning  would 
scarcely  have  taken  place  without  interference  on 
his  part.  As  soon  as  Archbishop  Zbynek  learned 
the  king's  sentiments  on  the  subject,  he  betook 
himself  to  Eaudnitz,  and  thence,  on  July  18th,  ex- 
communicated Hus  and  all  who  had  participated 
directly  or  indirectly  in  the  appeal  to  the  pope. 
Great  disturbances  thence  arose  among  the  popu- 
lation of  Prague,  the  major  part  of  which  was 
antagonistic  to  the  archbishop  and  clergy,  espe- 
cially to  the  canons  and  the  incumbents  of  city 
parishes.  When  at  the  archbishop's  command 
the  priests  began  on  the  ensuing  Sunday  to  publish 
the  excommunications  in  the  churches  at  Divine 
service,  which  they  were  required  to  repeat  every 
Sunday  and  holy  da}^  the  people  broke  out  in 
many  places  into  acts  of  violent  resistance.  In 
the  cathedral  itself,  on  the  festival  of  Saint  Mary 
Magdalene  (July  22nd),  such  an  uproar  arose,  that 
the  priests  who  were  celebrating  High  Mass,  and 
also  forty  others  who  were  celebrating  at  other 
altars,  were  obliged  to  desist  and  leave  the  church. 
On  the  same  day  at  St.  Stephen's,  in  the  New  Town, 


HUS  AT   VARIANCE  WITH   THE   ARCHBISHOP.     141 

when  the  i^reacher  spoke  in  condemnatory  terms  of 
Hus,  six  men  rushed  upon  him  with  drawn  swords 
and  threatened  him  with  death.  Elsewhere  the 
priests,  when  publishing  the  excommunications,  were 
exhorted  by  the  people  to  refrain  from  telling  lies 
in  their  discourses.  Excesses  on  the  one  side  were 
met  by  excesses  on  the  other.  Such  unauthorized 
critics  and  instructors  of  the  clergy  were  seized  by 
the  priests  and  choirmen  in  the  cathedral  itself, 
beaten,  mauled  and  slapped  in  the  face,  or  dragged 
to  the  common  room  or  refectory  of  the  clergy,  and 
there  mercilessly  scourged  with  rods.  The  choir- 
men  actually  proceeded  so  far  as  to  seize  adherents 
of  Hus  outside  the  cathedral  and  beat  them  with 
rods.  Similar  deeds  were  done  by  the  monks  at 
the  monastery  of  the  Mother  of  God  in  the  New 
Town  and  elsewhere.  However,  Hus's  party  even- 
tually proved  the  stronger,  and  even  some  of  the 
king's  courtiers  placed  themselves  at  its  head  in 
various  enterprises  against  the  clergy,  till  all  the 
incumbents  of  Prague  were  frightened  into  desist- 
ing from  the  publication  of  the  excommunications. 
The  populace  gave  vent  to  their  ill-will  against  the 
clergy  hostile  to  Hus  by  composing  libellous  songs 
and  singing  them  in  the  streets,  which  the  other 
party  requited  by  effusions  of  contrary  tenour. 
The  archbishop's  educational  deficiencies  were  re- 
marked upon  in  a  song  beginnning — 

"Zajitz,  Bishop  A,  B,  C, 
Burnt  the  books,  but  ne'er  knew  he 
What  was  in  them  written," 


11.2  JOHN    HUS. 


It  was  also  commonly  reported  that  tlie  authors  of 
the  book-bm-nmg  kept  the  handsomest  copies  for 
themselves,  and  delivered  old  parchments  and 
registers  to  the  flames  in  their  stead.  To  put  a 
stop  to  fm-ther  disorder,  King  Wenceslas  finally 
commanded  both  sides  to  cease  from  reciprocal 
annoyance,  and  forbade  all  singing  of  libellous 
verses  in  the  streets  under  threat  of  capital  punish- 
ment, at  the  same  time  ordering  the  archbishop  to 
make  compensation  to  those  A^'hose  books  he  had 
destroyed. 

Hus  and  four  of  his  friends  in  the  university 
now  came  forwards  against  the  book-burning  in  the 
following  fashion.  They  announced  a  public  dis- 
putation in  defence  of  certain  of  Wycliffe's  works, 
with  regard  to  which  they  felt  confident  they  could 
prove  that  no  errors  whatever  were  in  them.  Hus 
undertook  the  defence  of  Wycliffe's  work  on  the 
Ploly  Trinity;  Magistcr  Jakaubek  of  Stribro  of  that 
on  the  ten  commandments;  Simon  of  Tisnow  of 
that  on  the  proofs  of  propositions ;  Zdislaw  of  Zvi- 
retitz  of  that  on  universals ;  and  Magister  Procop 
of  Pilsen  of  that  on  ideas.  This  disputation  was 
conducted  as  advertised  on  five  successive  days, 
from  July  27th  to  31st,  each  disputation  occupying 
one  da3\ 

By  the  confirmation  of  Alexander's  bull,  just  as 
if  the  realm  had  been  infected  with  errors,  although 
not  a  single  person  had  been  proven  guilty  in  that 
respect.  King  Wenceslas  felt  affected  as  by  a  per- 
sonal insult.     He  also,  as  well  as  his  courtiers, 


HUS  AT  VAKIANCE  WITH  THE  ARCHBISHOP.     143 

agreed  with  Hus  in  looking  upon  the  prohibition 
of  preaching  in  chapels  as  a  violation  of  the 
freedom  of  the  Word  of  God.  He  therefore  de- 
termined to  interest  himself  in  favour  of  the  per- 
secuted party,  and  make  intercession  for  it  at 
the  papal  court.  And  shortly  afterwards,  on  the 
arrival  of  the  nuncio  to  announce  the  accession  of 
John  XXIII.,  he  availed  himself  of  the  opportunity 
of  writing  a  congratulatory  letter  to  the  pope 
(September  12th,  1410)  to  mention  withal  his  as- 
tonishment at  his  predecessor's  bull  limiting  the 
preaching  of  the  Word  of  God,  whereas  how  could 
the  Church  advance  in  faith,  hope,  and  love,  save 
by  the  proclamation  of  the  Gospel?  He  com- 
plained of  the  manner  in  which  his  realm  was 
aspersed  by  unfriendly  calumniators,  and  requested 
the  revocation  of  the  orders  given  in  Alexander's 
bull.  He  also  wrote  to  several  cardinals,  to  v^^hom 
he  had  heard  that  the  matter  was  entrusted,  and 
intercessory  letters  were  also  written  by  Queen 
Sophia,  by  several  Bohemian  lords,  in  particular 
by  the  High  Steward,  Lacek  of  Kravary,  and 
also — no  doubt  at  the  king's  instigation — by  the 
burgomasters  and  aldermen  of  the  old,  new,  and 
lesser  towns  of  Prague.  Queen  Sophia's  letter 
contained  Hus's  favourite  expressions,  that  the 
Word  of  God  ought  not  to  be  bound,  but  ought  to 
be  preached  in  the  squares,  in  the  streets,  on  the 
housetops;  yea,  everywhere,  as  required.  Lord 
Lacek  expressed  his  astonishment  at  the  prohibi- 
tion of  preaching  in  the  chapel  Bethlehem,  with 


14i  JOHN    HUS. 


wliicli  no  monastery  or  parish  cliurcli  in  the  realm 
couicl  stand  a  comparison  in  that  respect.  "  What 
^vill  be  the  good  of  the  chapels  in  our  castles," 
wrote  he,  '''in  ^Yhicll  the  Word  of  the  Lord  has 
often  been  preached  ?  Or  how  shall  we  hear  the 
Lord's  Word  when  we  are  in  the  field,  a  time  when 
it  ought  most  especially  to  be  heard?"  The 
magistrates  of  the  old  town  appealed  to  their  right 
of  patronage  to  one  of  the  two  preaehershix^s,  and 
petitioned  the  pope  to  confirm  the  chapel. 

At  the  papal  court,  which  was  then  at  Bologna, 
Hus's  appeal,  as  well  as  the  archbishop's  petition 
against  it,  had  been  placed  in  the  hands  of  Cardinal 
Odo  di  Colonna,  with  directions  to  fulfil  the  arch- 
bishop's wishes.  The  cardinal  accordingly  issued 
an  order  to  the  Ai'chbishop  of  Prague  (August  25th) 
to  take  further  proceedings  according  to  the  bull 
of  Alexander  V.,  and  likewise  a  citation  to  Hus  to 
appear  personally  before  the  papal  tribunal. 

The  letters  of  King  Wcneeslas  and  the  rest  had 
scarcely  started  on  their  way,  when  these  orders 
arrived  at  Prague.  Archbishop  Zbynek  conse- 
quently issued  (September  24th)  an  "aggravation" 
of  the  excommunications  against  Hus  and  his 
associates.  By  this  King  Wenccslas  was  incensed 
anew,  and  wrote  again  (September  30th)  to  Pope 
John,  requesting  him  in  curt  and  decided  language 
to  annul  his  decrees  and  enjoin  silence  on  the 
parties,  who  were  disputing  about  the  works  of 
Wycliffe.  lie  said  that  he  did  not  intend  to  put 
up  with   such  quarrels  in  his  realm,  none  of  his 


HUS   AT   VARIANCE   WITH   THE   AIlCilBISHOP.     145 

subjects  having  been  convicted  of  error  or  heresy 
on  account  of  the  books.  He  made  a  s^Decial  re- 
quest, that  the  chapel  Bethlehem  might  be  pre- 
served and  confirmed,  and  that  Hus  might  continue 
peacefully  to  preach  the  Word  of  God  there,  and 
be  released  from  appearing  personally  at  Eome. 
It  was  not  convenient — he  wrote — to  his  realm  to 
place  a  man,  so  useful  in  preaching,  in  danger  from 
his  enemies  on  the  highways,  and  thereby  irritate 
the  whole  population.  If  any  one  wished  to  accuse 
him,  he  must  do  so  in  Bohemia,  before  the  University 
or  some  other  competent  judge.  King  Wenceslas 
wrote  also  to  Cardinal  Odo  di  Colonna,  inviting 
him  to  come  to  Bohemia  to  hear  and  judge  with 
his  own  ears.  Queen  Sophia  wrote  too  (October 
1st  and  2nd)  to  the  pope  and  to  the  cardinals,  men- 
tioning expressly  in  her  letter  to  the  pope,  that  she 
had  frequently  heard  the  Word  of  God  in  the  chapel 
Bethlehem,  and  especially  imploring  the  cardinals 
to  seek  to  bring  the  matter  to  a  satisfactory  settle- 
ment, "in  order  to  preclude  evil  consequences." 
Her  lord  and  husband,  she  said,  in  concert  with 
herself  and  the  lords,  would  take  suitable  measures 
to  prevent  the  further  spread  of  disorder.  With 
the  same  intent  Wenceslas  commissioned  Dr.  John 
Naz,  his  ambassador  at  the  papal  court,  to  re- 
present to  the  pope,  that  he  could  easily  punish 
the  slanderers  and  adversaries  of  his  realm  him- 
self, but  refrained  from  so  doing  from  humble 
reverence  to  the  apostolic  see.  The  king  gave 
further  confidential    orders    to    Magister   John  of 

L 


liG  JOHN   HUS. 

Eeinstein,  surnamed  Cardinal,  who  ^\as  one  of 
Hus's  friends,  while  Magister  Jerome  of  Seiden- 
berg,  the  king's  third  iDlenipotentiary,  received 
severe  and  threatening  rebukes,  the  king  having 
learned  from  an  intercepted  letter  from  Jaroslaw, 
Bishop  of  Sarepta,  that  he  had  conducted  himself 
disloyally  towards  his  sovereign,  and  aided  the 
archbishop's  agents  to  obtain  the  decrees  against 
Hus  and  his  adherents. 

Hus  also  sent  a  written  petition  to  the  pope, 
entreatiiig  to  be  released  from  appearing  personally 
before  his  court,  assigning  as  a  reason  the  danger 
he  would  be  in  on  the  journey  on  account  of  his 
numerous  enemies,  and  appointing  procurators  with 
full  powers  for  his  defence.  The  chief  of  these 
was  his  friend  Magister  John  of  Jesenitz,  who 
had  taken  the  degree  of  bachelor  of  laws  in  1407, 
and  was  then  apparently  continuing  his  studies 
at  Bologna.  Hus  was  at  that  time  in  a  frame  of 
joyous  delight  on  account  of  the  favourable  senti- 
ments of  the  king  and  his  court,  not  because  he 
was  himself  thereby  guaranteed  against  personal 
danger,  but  because  he  thence  hoped  for  aid 
towards  the  progress  of  the  cause  which  he  had 
so  deeply  at  heart.  His  name  was  already  well 
known  in  England  among  those  who,  amidst 
persecution,  were  still  treading  in  the  steps  of 
"Wycliffe,  and  he  now  received  a  letter  from  one 
of  Wycliffe's  former  fellow-labourers,  Eichard 
Fitz,  dated  September  8th,  1410,  which  greatly 
encouraged   him  and  his  followers,   and  specially 


HUS  AT   VAKIAXCE   WITH   THE   ARCKBISHOr.      147 

saluted,  along  with  Hus,  Magister  Jakaubek  of 
Stribro,  as  Hiis's  "helper  in  the  Gospel."  Hus 
addressed  the  people  publicly  in  a  sermon  with 
regard  to  this  letter,  the  congregation  consisting 
of  about  ten  thousand  hearers,  and  replied  to  it 
with  a  salutation  "from  the  Church  of  Christ  in 
Bohemia  to  the  Church  of  Christ  in  England," 
making  joyful  mention  of  the  good  progress  of 
the  Gospel  in  Bohemia ;  for  the  king  and  his  court, 
the  queen,  the  lords  and  the  commonalty,  were 
all  defenders  of  the  Word  of  Christ ;  the  people 
would  listen  to  nothing  but  Holy  Scripture,  espe- 
cially the  gospels  and  epistles;  and  when  they 
found  a  preacher  of  the  truth,  they  flocked  to  him 
in  villages,  towns,  and  castles,  avoiding  the  dis- 
orderly clergy.  He  also  plainly  expressed  his  firm 
resolve  to  suffer  for  the  truth.  It  must  also  have 
been  a  great  encouragement  to  him,  when  in  the 
month  of  September,  the  theological  faculty  at 
Bologna,  a  city  belonging  to  the  pope,  in  which 
the  archbishop's  ambassadors  had  used  their 
utmost  exertions  to  obtain  approval  for  the  burning 
of  Wyclifle's  books,  formally  refused  to  approve  it. 
Of  this  Magister  John  of  Jesenitz  obtained  written 
testimony,  dated  November  25th,  1410,  from  brother 
Thomas  of  Udine,  prior  of  the  Dominicans  in 
Bologna,  and  then  Dean  of  the  Faculty  of  Theology 
in  that  university. 

King  Wenceslas's  letters  to  the  papal  court  in 
favour  of  Hus  produced  no  effect  whatever.  With 
a  pope  like  John   XXIH.,  a  man  of  notoriously 


148  JOHN   HUS. 


Y.icked  life,  'who,  regardless  of  the  decrees  of  the 
Council  of  Pisa  respecting  the  projected  reform 
of  the  Church  in  head  and  members,  rapaciously 
carried  on  the  old  simoniacal  system  for  lucre,  it 
was  difficult  to  obtain  consideration  for  a  man  like 
Hus,  who  was,  at  any  rate,  well  known  as  a  zealous 
opponent  of  that  system  in  his  own  country.  And 
perhaps,  after  all,  it  made  no  great  difference,  if 
Archbishop  Zbynek's  ambassadors,  who  were  sent 
to  the  aid  of  the  coadjutor  Bishop  Jaroslaw  at 
Bologna,  Zdenek  Dlauhy  of  Chrast,  and  Dr. 
Kunes  of  Zwole,  did  present  a  number  of  horses, 
caskets,  and  rings  to  Pope  John  from  the  arch- 
bishop, and  handsome  rings  to  Cardinals  Colonna 
and  Orsini.  Anyhow,  the  result  of  their  efforts 
was,  that  Cardinal  Odo  di  Colonna,  at  the  expira- 
tion of  the  specified  time  for  Hus's  appearance  at 
Bologna  (February,  1411)  issued  sentence  of  ex- 
communication against  him  for  non-appearance. 
Archbishop  Zbynek  ordered  this  to  be  immediately 
proclaimed  at  Prague,  and  his  orders  were  obeyed 
on  March  15th  in  all  the  churches  save  those  of 
St.  Michael  and  St.  Benedict  in  the  old  town. 
The  incumbent  of  the  former  was  Magister 
Christian  of  Prachatitz,  a  sincere  friend  of  Hus's ; 
that  of  the  latter,  brother  Nicholas,  a  knight  of  the 
Teutonic  order,  of  whom  nothing  further  is  known. 
These  proceedings  irritated  King  Wenceslas 
afresh,  and  he  now  put  into  execution  the  in- 
tention, which  he  had  announced  to  the  papal 
court,    of   punishing  the   defamers   of    his   realm 


HUS   AT   VARIANCE   WITH  THE   ARCHBISHOP.      149 

himself.  As  the  archbishop  and  his  advisers 
had  paid  no  regard  to  the  king's  order  to  make 
compensation  to  the  owners  of  the  books,  which 
they  had  burned,  "Wenceslas  now  caused  various 
estates,  farms,  and  houses  belonging  to  the  arch- 
bishop and  certain  dignitaries,  canons  and  other 
ecclesiastics  to  be  put  under  sequestration,  that 
such  compensation  might  be  made  out  of  their 
rents.  The  king  nominated  as  his  commissioners 
for  this  purpose  the  burgomasters  and  aldermen 
of  the  three  towns  of  Prague  and  of  Hradcany,  and 
also  the  burgrave  of  the  Vyssegrad,  Eacek  of  Dvo- 
retz,  and  the  chief  usher,  Voksa  of  Waldstein,  who 
soon  put  the  royal  commands  into  execution.  The 
archbishop  employed  his  spiritual  power  to  resist 
these  proceedings  in  the  usual  way.  He  issued  an 
edict  from  Eaudnitz  (May  2nd),  against  the  com- 
missioners, warning  them  as  appropriators  of 
Chm-ch  property  to  restore  the  sequestered  estates 
and  revenues  within  three  days  under  pain  of 
excommunication ;  nay,  when  nothing  was  gained 
by  this,  he  proceeded,  as  he  had  done  four  years 
previously,  to  lay  the  whole  of  Prague  under  an 
interdict. 

This  uncircumspect  severity  had  not  the  success 
which  the  archbishop  probably  expected  from  it. 
King  Wenceslas  was  still  more  exasperated,  and 
began  to  persecute  all  who  obeyed  the  archbishop's 
order  with  regard  to  the  suspension  of  Divine 
service.  Some  had  their  revenues  sequestered,  and 
others  were  driven  from  their  benefices.   Many  of  the 


150  JOHN   HUS. 


incumbents  in  Prague  and  elsewhere  were  terrified 
into  disobedience  to  the  archbishop,  and  performed 
service  in  their  churches,  as  was  also  the  case  with 
the  residentiaries  in  the  cathedral,  who  asked  and 
obtained  absolution  from  the  papal  curia,  on  the 
ground  that  they  had  been  compelled  thereto  by 
the  secular  power.  Much  less  was  the  order  obeyed 
])y  the  clergy  of  Hus's  party,  who  considered  it 
unrighteous  and  illegal.  King  Wenceslas  took  pre- 
cautions also  to  prevent  the  archbishop  from  re- 
moving, as  in  1409,  the  treasures  of  the  cathedral 
from  Prague.  On  May  6th,  he  rode  in  person  to 
Hradcany,  went  to  the  house  of  Canon  John  of  Kra- 
lovitz,  who  was  then  probably  subdean,  and  caused 
several  other  dignitaries  and  canons  to  be  summoned 
thither.  These  were  compelled  to  attend  the  king, 
who  himself  rode  on  horseback  into  the  cathedral, 
where  he  caused  all  the  treasures  to  be  opened  and 
exhibited  to  him,  and  after  satisfying  himself  that 
all  was  in  order,  rode  back  again  from  the  Hrads- 
chin.  He  also  issued  a  special  commission  to 
Kunes  of  Olbramovitz  and  the  aldermen  of  the 
three  towns  of  Prague,  who  in  execution  thereof 
caused  excavations  to  be  made  in  the  cathedral 
during  the  evening  and  night,  in  order  to  explore 
secret  receptacles.  They  only  found,  however,  four 
secret  niches,  which  were  empty.  They  further  took 
possession  of  all  the  treasures,  i.e.  principally  the 
holy  relics,  which  were  magnificently  ornamented, 
and  the  coffin  of  St.  Wenceslas,  and  convej^ed  them 
the  next  day  (May  7th)  to  Karlstein. 


HUS   AT   VARIANCE   AVITH   THE   ARCHBISHOP.      1")! 

Not  long  afterwards  King  Wenceslas  took  liis 
seat  in  person  at  the  Grand  Court  of  Justice  during 
the  Whitsun  Ember  days,  and  on  June  5th,  in 
conjunction  with  the  lords  of  the  realm,  issued 
a  severe  edict  against  the  arbitrary  extension  of 
the  power  of  the  spiritual  tribunals  to  the  detri- 
ment of  the  temporal  courts.  If  any  one  should 
cite  another  respecting  a  civil  matter  before  a 
spiritual  tribunal,  or  if  any  one  should  venture  to 
act  as  judge  in  such  tribunal,  the  king's  officers,  in 
conjunction  with  the  Burgrave  of  Prague,  were 
to  take  possession  of  his  revenues  and  property, 
and  hold  them  until  satisfaction  was  made  to  the 
person  cited  for  damages  and  expenses.  But  should 
the  person  citing  possess  no  property,  then  he  was 
to  be  arrested  and  imprisoned  during  the  king's 
pleasure  or  until  the  lords  should  give  eentence 
in  his  case.  This  edict  appears  to  have  at  once 
resulted  in  active  interference  with  many  spiritual 
persons  and  their  estates. 

Archbishop  Zbynek,  even  as  his  whilome  pre- 
decessor, John  of  Jenstein,  was  at  length  con- 
strained to  understand,  that  longer  contest  with  King 
Wenceslas,  respecting  a  matter  in  which  the  king 
interested  himself  personally,  was  dangerous  and 
beyond  his  strength.  It  therefore  came  to  pass, 
that  the  ill-success  of  the  harsh  methods  which 
he  had  hitherto  employed  inclined  him  to  have 
recourse  to  moderate  measures  with  a  view  to  the 
renewal  of  i^eace.  It  would  seem  that  this  was 
greatly  forwarded  by  the  admonitions  of  certain 


152  JOHN   HUS, 


persons  of  distinction  then  at  Prague,  in  particular 
of  Eudolf,  Duke  of  Saxony,  of  Stibor  of  Stiboritz, 
Voyvode  of  Transylvania,  King  Sigismund's  pleni- 
potentiary at  the  Bohemian  court,  and  of  the  High 
Steward  Lord  Lacek  of  Kravary,  who  had  been 
lately  appointed  Lord-Lieutenant  of  Moravia.  An 
agreement  was  come  to  under  which  Archbishop 
Zbynek  submitted,  as  regards  all  matters  in  ques- 
tion with  Hus  and  his  adherents,  to  the  decision  of 
King  Wenceslas  and  his  privy  council,  as  friendly 
arbitrators,  it  being  conditioned  that  Duke  Rudolf, 
the  Voyvode  Stibor,  and  the  High  Steward  Lacek, 
were  to  take  part  in  the  deliberations  ;  but  if  no 
decision  Avere  arrived  at  during  their  stay  in 
Prague,  then  the  king  was  to  have  the  power  of 
final  decision  with  the  aid  of  other  lords  and  nobles, 
whom  he  might  think  fit  to  consult.  A  document 
to  this  effect  was  drawn  up  on  July  3rd,  in  the 
first  place  on  the  part  of  Hus  and  his  adherents, 
running  in  the  names  at  Magister  Simon  of  Tisnow, 
the  rector,  and  the  whole  society  of  the  University 
of  Prague  ;  of  Thomas  of  Lysii,  Dean  of  the  Faculty 
of  Arts ;  of  Magister  John  Hus  himself,  and  of  all 
who  had  adhered  to  him  in  his  appeal  to  the  pope ; 
and  moreover  of  John  Gauditensky,  Doctor  of 
Medicine,  and  five  other  magisters  of  the  University 
of  Prague.  These  all  met  in  a  room  at  St.  James's 
^Monastery  in  the  Old  Town,  and  gave  in  their 
adhesion  to  the  agreement  before  nine  witnesses, 
seven  of  whom  were  distinguished  lords  and  nobles 
of  the  realm,  and  two  court  ecclesiastics  in  atten- 


HUS  AT  VARIAXCE   WITH   THE  ARCHBISHOP.      153 

dance  on  Wenceslas.  Afterwards  Archbishop  Zbynelj 
formally  accepted  the  same  in  his  own  name  and 
in  the  name  of  the  rest  of  the  clergy,  before  witnesses 
assembled  in  his  cabinet  in  the  archiepiscopal 
palace  on  the  Kleinseite.  These  were  all  ecclesiastics 
of  the  party  hostile  to  Hus,  and  among  them  were 
Dr.  Adam  of  Nezetitz,  formerly  vicar  general, 
Canon  Zdenek  of  Chrast,  and  John  Protiva,  in- 
cumbent of  St.  Clement's  and  formerly  preacher  at 
Bethlehem. 

Besides  Duke  Rudolf,  the  Vojwode  Stibor  and 
Lord  Lacek,  King  Wenceslas  summoned  to  council 
Wenceslas,  Patriarch  of  Antioch ;  Conrad,  Bishop 
of  Olmiitz  ;  Sulek,  Provost  of  Choteschow ;  Lord 
Wenceslas  of  Donin;  Bohus,  Commander  of  the 
Knights  of  St.  John  at  Manetin ;  Peter  Zmrzlek  of 
Svojsin,  Master  of  the  Mint ;  and  Nicholas  of  Prague, 
who  was  now  Chief  Secretary  of  State.  Three  days 
after  the  acceptance  of  the  above  agreement  by  the 
parties,  i.e.  on  July  6th,  the  arbitrators  issued  their 
decision.  The  archbishop  was  to  make  submission 
to  the  king  as  his  lord,  and  to  write  to  the  pope, 
that  he  knew  of  no  errors  in  the  land  of  Bohemia, 
but  that  there  were  difficulties  between  himself  and 
the  magisters  of  Hus's  party,  with  respect  to  which 
he  had  had  recourse  to  the  king.  He  was  there- 
fore to  request  from  the  pope  absolution  for  Hus, 
who  was  under  papal  excommunication,  to  absolve 
those  whom  he  had  himself  excommunicated,  and 
also  to  remove  the  interdict.  Both  parties  were 
to  cease  litigation  at  the  papal  court  and  to  recall 


lot  JOHN   HUS. 

their  procurators ;    the    king  was    then   to    take 
counsel  with  the   bishops,    doctors    and   prelates, 
and  also  with  the  lay  princes,  lords  and  nobles, 
respecting  errors  and  heresies,  should  any  be  found 
amongst  either  clergy  or  laity,  and  with  the  advice 
of    clergy    and   laity    to    purge    out    and    punish 
the  guilty.     On  the  other  hand,  the  revenues  or 
incomes,  of  which  the  priests  had  been  deprived, 
were  to  be  restored,   and    those   who   had  been 
arrested  were  to  be  released.     At  the  same  time 
both  the  clergy  and  the  university,  as  well  as  the 
lords   and  gentry  in  general,  were  to   remain    in 
possession  of  their  rights,  with  an  express  proviso, 
that  the  spiritualty  was  not  to  interfere  with  the 
laity  by  means  of  its  newly  invented  rules  of  law, 
even  as  it  had  been  decreed  in  the  foregoing  par- 
liament.    An  especial  clause  declared  that,  having 
ascertained  that  the  late  action  of  the  people  of 
Prague    against    the    clergy   had  been   taken    by 
the  king's  command,  the  archbishop  annulled  the 
edicts  he  had  issued  against  them,  and  "neither 
took  it  evil  of  them  nor  laid  aught  evil  to  their 
charge." 

This  agreement  might  have  made  an  end  to  the 
then  existing  variance  between  the  archbishop  and 
the  section  of  the  clergy  that  adhered  to  John  Hus; 
nay,  it  might  perhaps  have  resulted  in  the  timely 
introduction  of  reforms  in  matters  ecclesiastical  in 
Bohemia,  had  it  been  honestly  and  intelligently 
carried  into  execution.  But  to  this  it  never  came. 
Archbishop  Zbynek  presented  himself  personally 


HUS  AT  VARIANCE   WITH  THE   ARCHBISHOP.      155 

before  the  king  and  unquestionably  made  the  de- 
sired submission,  but  failed  thereby  to  regain  his 
former  favom*.  It  would  seem  that  his  submis- 
siveness  led  the  king  to  conceive  a  wish  to  make 
him,  like  John  of  Jenstein,  feel  his  power,  and  thus' 
Wenceslas  behaved  with  harshness  and  unkindness 
towards  him  personally.  It  is  still  more  probable 
that,  over  and  above  this,  the  archbishop  regretted 
the  agreement,  by  which  he  thought  he  had  placed 
himself  too  completely  in  the  king's  hands,  and  that 
he  was  also  egged  on  by  his  advisers,  to  whose  pro- 
jects against  Hus  the  agreement  presented  a  serious 
obstacle.  According  to  the  decision  of  the  arbi- 
trators, the  archbishop  was  to  remove  the  interdict, 
and  he  did  so ;  but  he  refused  to  release  from  ex- 
communication the  clergy  who  had  not  ceased  from 
the  performance  of  Divine  service  during  the  inter- 
dict, maintaining  that  this  was  a  sin  for  which 
they  must  seek  absolution  from  the  pope.  The 
other  party  argued  that  the  archbishop,  who  had 
issued  the  excommunications,  had  likewise  the 
right  of  granting  release  from  them,  whereto  he 
was  expressly  bound  by  the  agreement ;  and  that 
it  was  no  sin  in  the  priests  who  had  performed 
Divine  service,  because  the  interdict  was  not  legiti- 
mate, but  void,  referring  the  archbishop  to  his  own 
acknowledgment  of  the  guiltlessness  of  the  citizens 
of  Prague,  against  whom  the  interdict  had  been 
issued.  To  this  effect,  Stephen  Palecz  expressed 
himself  in  a  special  pamphlet ;  and  King  Wenceslas 
urged  the  archbishop  to  make  a  written  declaration 


156  JOHN   HUS. 


to  the  same  effect.  This,  however,  he  refused  to 
do ;  neither  would  he  write  the  letter  to  the  pope, 
according  to  the  decision  of  the  arbitrators,  in  the 
form  laid  before  him  by  the  king's  command.  As, 
therefore,  the  bishop  failed  to  fulfil  the  agreement, 
it  also  remained  partially  unfulfilled  on  the  part 
of  the  king.  Many  priests  were  not  restored  to 
their  estates  and  revenues ;  others  suffered  new 
oppressions,  as  occasion  arose ;  and  the  archbishop 
himself  complained  that  the  king's  courtiers  invaded 
his  spiritual  rights,  and  that  libels  were  composed 
and  placarded  or  distributed  against  him.  He 
had  at  that  time  a  dispute  with  the  Provost  of 
Prague,  George  of  Janovitz,  in  which  the  latter  is 
said  to  have  opposed  him  with  force  and  arms. 
The  king,  before  whom  the  archbishop  was  said  to 
have  wished  to  lay  his  complaint,  refused  to  grant 
him  an  audience,  and  exhibited  his  ill-will  towards 
him  in  various  ways,  so  that,  finding  himself  in 
danger,  he  quitted  Prague  five  weeks  after  the  date 
of  the  agreement. 

Although  it  was  thus  manifest  that  the  arch- 
bishop had  no  intention  of  abiding  by  the  agree- 
ment, Hus  nevertheless  made  an  attemi^t  to  turn 
it,  as  far  as  might  be,  to  his  own  advantage.  He 
wrote  a  letter  of  entreaty  to  the  pope,  declaring 
his  belief  and  repudiating  as  false  all  charges  of 
erroneous  doctrines,  in  particular  denjdng  that  he 
had  taught  that  the  substance  of  material  bread 
remained  in  the  sacrament  of  the  altar,  or  that  a 
priest  in  mortal  sin  did  not  make  the  sacrament. 


HUS  AT  VARIANCE   WITH  THE   ARCHBISHOP.      157 

He  excused  bis  non-appearance  at  Kome  by  tbe 
danger  to  bis  life  wbicb  menaced  bim  on  tbe  road 
from  tbe  plots  of  bis  enemies,  especially  tbe  Ger- 
mans ;  appealed  to  tbe  fact  tbat  be  bad  been 
reconciled  to  tbe  arcbbisbop  by  tbe  arbitrators, 
and  entreated  tbat,  tliis  being  taken  into  considera- 
tion, be  migbt  be  released  from  tbe  citation.  To 
give  tbis  letter  greater  weigbt,  be  read  it  publicly 
bimself  (September  1st),  in  a  full  assembly  of 
magisters  of  tbe  University  of  Prague  convoked 
for  tbe  jDurpose  by  tbe  rector,  Simon  of  Tisnow, 
wbo,  in  accordance  witb  an  unanimous  resolution, 
caused  tbe  university  seal  to  be  affixed  to  it.  He 
also  "wrote  at  tbe  same  time  to  tbe  College  of 
Cardinals,  referring  especially  to  tbe  fact  tbat  tbe 
arcbbisboiD's  anger  bad  originally  arisen  against 
bim  for  adbering  to  tliem,  wben  tbe  renunciation 
of  obedience  to  Gregory  XII.  was  meeting  witb 
violent  opposition  from  tbe  arcbbisbop.  It  is  pos- 
sible tbat  Hus's  letters  of  entreaty  were  also 
supported  by  a  letter  from  King  Wenceslas  to  tbe 
pope,  wbicb  tbe  king  certainly  contemplated  writing 
after  tbe  conclusion  of  tbe  agreement  between  tbe 
parties. 

Arcbbisbop  Zbynek  meanwbile  betbougbt  bim- 
self of  otber  means  for  tbe  maintenance  of  bis 
power,  wbicb  could  scarcely  bave  led  to  peace,  but 
ratber  to  greater  disturbances  between  tbe  spiritual 
and  temporal  autborities  in  Bobemia.  He  betook 
bimself  to  Litomysl,  no  doubt  to  consult  witb 
Bisliop  Jobn,  wbo  was  adversely  inclined  towards 


158  JOHX   HUS. 


King  Wenceslas,  and  thence  sent  the  king  a  letter 
dated  September  5th,  in  which  he  re^Droached  him 
with  unfriendly  and  partial  behaviour  towards  him- 
self and  with  non-observance  of  the  agreement, 
and  declared  that,  since  the  king  would  not  put  a 
stop  to  the  wrongs  that  were  being  done  him,  he 
was  compelled  to  go  to  King  Sigismund,  to  lay  his 
complaints  before  him  and  request  his  intercession 
on  his  behalf.  The  whole  form  and  style  of  this 
letter  indicates  that  it  was  no  mere  intercession 
that  was  contemplated  by  the  archbishop,  but  some 
more  violent  proceeding  on  the  part  of  Sigismund 
against  Wenceslas,  towards  whom  Sigismund  had 
never  acted  honestly.  But  these  intentions  were 
never  fulfilled,  being  cut  short  unexpectedly  by  the 
hand  of  death.  Ai-chbishop  Zbynek  quitted  Litomysl, 
travelled  through  Moravia,  and  arrived  at  Pres- 
Lurg,  but  there  fell  ill,  and  died  on  September  28th, 
1111.  His  corpse  was  conveyed  to  Prague,  and 
buried  in  a  marble  tomb  in  a  chapel  under  the 
new  tower  of  the  cathedral. 

The  death  of  Margrave  Jost  in  January,  1411. 
thus  followed  l)y  that  of  Archbishop  Zbynek  in  the 
same  year,  smoothed  the  way  for  a  reconciliation 
between  Wenceslas  and  Sigismund,  which  accord- 
ingly came  to  pass  as  related  in  the  introductory 
chapter. 


(     150     ) 


CHAPTER  YI. 

JOHN    HUS    IN    CONFLICT    WITH    THE    PAPAL    POWER. 

Shortly  before  the  death  of  Archbishop  Zbynek, 
and  while  he  was  still  either  at  Litomysl  or  on  his 
way  to  Hungary,  an  embassy  arrived  at  Prague 
from  King  Henry  IV.  of  England,  which  was  also 
accredited  to  King  Sigismund  of  Hungary.  As 
several  English  niagisters  were  members  of  or 
attaches  to  it,  some  of  the  Bohemian  magisters, 
anxious  probably  for  intelligence  from  the  country 
of  Wycliffe,  paid  a  formal  visit  to  them  at  their 
lodgings  in  the  Old  Town,  taking  with  them  in  pro- 
cession a  number  of  bachelors  and  students. 
Among  the  English  was  a  Licentiate  in  Law,  John 
Stokes,  with  whom  the  Bohemians  wished  for 
further  conversation  after  the  conclusion  of  their 
brief  morning  visit.  With  the  consent  of  the 
rector,  they  therefore  invited  him  to  the  Carolinum 
for  the  afternoon,  but  he  was  persuaded  by  another 
member  of  the  embassy,  Sir  Hartung  Glux,*  to 

*  This  name,  if  correct,  is  indicative  of  a  German  rather  than 
an  Euglishman.  Another  "  Hartung  "  is  mentioned  in  Palacky'a 
"  Documeuta,"  p.  406;  and  in  p.  408  the  name  of  "Jux"  occurs. 


IGO  JOHN   HUS. 


decline  the  invitation.  Shortly  afterwards  reports 
became  rife  of  language  held  by  both  Stokes  and 
Glux  respecting  Wycliife  and  his  followers,  which 
was  extremely  adverse  to  the  views  entertained  by 
the  party  of  Hus.  Thinking  this  detrimental  to 
the  honour  of  the  university,  several  magisters  be- 
took themselves  to  Stokes  with  a  public  notary  and 
asked  him  plainly,  whether  he  intended  to  abide  by 
his  statements  or  no.  He  replied  to  the  effect, 
that  whoever  read  or  studied  the  works  of  Wycliffe, 
be  his  mental  disposition  and  qualities  ever  so 
good,  and  be  he  ever  so  firm  in  the  faith,  must 
necessarily  in  course  of  time  sink  into  the  mire  of 
heresy.  As  the  Bohemian  magisters  considered 
such  language  to  contain  an  implication  against 
themselves,  Hus  caused  a  notice  to  be  affixed  to 
the  door  of  the  ambassador's  residence,  stating 
that  it  was  his  intention  on  Sunday,  September 
13th,  to  hold  a  disputation  respecting  Stokes's 
words,  and  challenging  him  according  to  the  custom 
of  the  schools  to  a^^pear  in  the  public  hall  of  the 
Carolinum  and  there  maintain  his  opinion.  Stokes 
did  not  reply  till  the  day  appointed,  and  then  by  a 
placard  on  the  door  of  the  cathedral,  stating  that 
as  he  had  come  for  another  reason,  i.e.  on  an  em- 
bassy, he  did  not  consider  it  his  duty  to  appear  and 
argue  ;  but  if  Hus  or  any  one  else  thought  fit  to  go 
to  Paris  or  the  court  of  Rome,  or  any  other  approved 
university,  which  would  be  impartial  between  the 
parties,  he  would  there  defend  his  statements,  add- 
ing, arrogantly,  that  if  the  other  could  not  afford 


HUS   IN   CONFLICT   WITH   THE   PAPAL   POWER.     161 

the  journey,  he  would  hhnself  provide  his  expenses. 
He  thus  by  implication  justified  the  language 
ascribed  to  him,  and  also  added  expressly  that, 
when  questioned  as  to  Wycliffe  and  public  opinion 
respecting  him  in  England,  he  had  replied  that 
Wycliffe  was  there  considered  a  heretic  and  his 
teaching  condemned  as  heretical.  Hus  nevertheless 
held  the  disputation  without  the  presence  of  Stokes, 
defending  Wycliffe's  teaching,  and  saying,  that  "  he 
did  not  believe  Wycliffe  to  be  a  heretic,  neither 
however  did  he  deny  him  to  be  so,  but  hoped  that 
he  was  not  a  heretic,  but  one  of  those  predestined 
to  salvation." 

After  the  death  of  Archbishop  Zbynek  the  arch- 
bishopric was  placed  in  the  hands  of  administrators. 
No  less  than  twenty-four  candidates  entered  the 
field  for  it,  all  ready  to  spend  money  to  the  utmost 
extent  of  their  resources,  whether  at  the  papal 
court  or  elsewhere,  amongst  whom  was  John, 
Bishop  of  Litomysl,  whom  King  Sigismund  had 
unsuccessfully  supported  at  the  vacancy  in  1404. 
But  the  victory  was  won  by  a  man  almost  unknown 
among  the  clergy,  Magister  Albik,  King  Weuceslas's 
body  physician.  His  success  was  doubtless  owing 
to  the  action  of  the  king,  to  whom  it  was  a  matter 
of  importance  to  have  the  see  filled  by  an  archbishop 
devoted  to  him.  In  order  to  anticipate  the  action 
of  the  papal  court,  Albik  was  unanimously  elected 
by  the  chapter  on  October  29th,  1411,  only  a  month 
after  the  occurrence  of  the  vacancy.  Pope  John 
XXni,  afterwards  asserted,  that  during  Archbishop 


1G2  JOHX   HUS. 


Zbynek's  lifetime  lie  had  determined  to  reserve  to 
the  Apostolic  See  the  nomination  of  a  successor, 
but  the  election  having  taken  place  before  this 
reservation  became  known  either  to  the  chapter 
or  to  the  person  elected,  he  declared  indeed  the 
election  invalid,  but  by  the  po^Yer  reserved  to  him- 
self nominated  Albik  archbishop  by  a  bull  dated 
from  Eome  January  25th,  1412. 

Albik  of  Uniczow  was  a  Moravian  by  birth  and 
a  German  by  language,  B.A.  of  Prague  1382,  and 
M.A.  1385.  He  studied  both  law  and  medicine, 
taking  the  degree  of  Bachelor  of  Laws  in  1389  at 
Prague,  and  that  of  Doctor  of  Laws  afterwards  at 
Padua.  It  is  not  known  where  he  took  the  degree 
of  Doctor  in  Medicine.  After  1389  we  do  not  hear 
of  him  at  Prague  till  1394,  but  it  was  not  long 
before  ho  became  celebrated  as  a  "  great  magister 
of  internal  medicine,"  both  through  numerous 
writings  on  the  subject,  through  cures  effected  by  his 
skill,  and  as  "  professor  in  ordinary  "  of  the  Faculty 
of  Medicine.  In  1396  he  was  body  physician  to 
KingWenceslas,  whose  special  favour  he  afterwards 
gained  by  curing  him  of  his  severe  illness  in  1398. 
Magister  Albik  was  then  a  married  man  and  had 
several  children,  but  his  wife  died  soon  after  the  latter 
date.  By  his  professional  skill  he  amassed  a  con- 
siderable fortune,  and  became  known  as  a  man  who 
set  a  very  high  value  on  money,  and  it  was  there- 
fore generally  believed,  that  he  had  purchased  the 
archbishopric.  We  may  well  suppose  that,  over 
and  above  the  personal  exertions  of  King  "Wenccslas 


HUS   IN   CONFLICT   WITH   THE   PAPAL   POWER.     163 

in  bis  favour,  such  a  man  as  Jolin  XXIII.  did  not 
allow  so  valuable  a  piece  of  preferment  to  slip 
tbrougb  bis  fingers  witbout  a  consideration.  It 
was  of  little  consequence,  tbat  tbe  arcbbisbop  elect 
bad  never  turned  bis  tbougbts  towards  the  duties 
and  obligations  of  tbe  priesthood,  although  in  youth 
he  bad  been  ordained  to  tbe  inferior  position  of  an 
acolyte,  and  bad  thus,  by  this  fourth  and  lowest  of 
tbe  minor  orders,  obtained  the  immunities  of  tbe 
clerical  profession.  Nor  was  it  till  after  bis  ap- 
pointment to  tbe  archbishopric  by  the  pope,  that 
he  was  ordained  sub-deacon  (February  27tli  1412), 
after  which  in  June  be  was  ordained  to  the  priest- 
hood. But  before  the  date  of  the  bull,  which 
appointed  him,  he  sold  his  own  house,  and  took 
possession  of  tbe  archiepiscopal  palace  and  estates, 
being  at  tbat  time  about  fifty-four  years  old. 

He  was  not,  however,  allowed  to  enjoy  tbe 
revenues  of  bis  see  in  luxury  and  comfort.  This 
was  prevented  by  the  religious  movement,  which 
kept  assuming  larger  and  larger  proportions,  till, 
shortly  after  tbe  nevv'  archbishop's  accession,  mani- 
fest storms  arose  among  both  clergy  and  laity. 
The  brief  hope  of  reconciliation,  which  bad  been 
disappointed  by  Archbishop  Zbynek's  unconcilia  • 
tory  conduct  during  tbe  latter  part  of  bis  life,  h  ad 
given  place  to  greater  and  greater  exasperation 
against  tbe  higher  officials  of  the  Church,  which 
exhibited  itself  ^Yitb  ever-increasing  boldness.  Hus 
bad  now  taken  up  such  a  position  tbat  he  bad  no 
longer  any  idea  of  obeying  either  arcbbisbop  or 


164  JOHN    HITS. 


pope  in  matters  which  appeared  to  him  contrary  to 
God's  law,  and  this  resolve  daily  became  stronger 
and  stronger  both  in  himself  and  i]i  others. 

In  the  beginning  of  1412  the  usual  disputation 
cle  quoUhet,  "  about  what  you  please,"  was  held  in 
the  Carolinum,  one  of  Hus's  pronounced  adherents, 
Magister  Michael  of  Malenitz,  surnamed  Czizek,  a 
Bachelor  in  Theology,  being  the  "Quodlibetarius," 
\Yho  w^as  bound  to  maintain  certain  theses  against 
all  comers.  During  the  disputation,  it  was  publicly 
contended,  probably  by  Magister  Jakaubek  of  Stri- 
bro,  that  the  anti -Christ  foretold  in  Scripture  was 
then  holding  the  highest  position  in  the  Church, 
and  possessing  the  highest  executive  power  over  the 
Christian  clergy  and  laity.  Thus  Pope  John  XXIII. 
was  clearly  indicated  as  very  anti-Christ. 

Ere  long  matters  became  still  worse,  owing  to 
general  orders  of  the  pope,  issued  December  2nd, 
1411,  wdiereby  John  XXIII.  proclaimed  his  rival, 
Gregory  XII.,  and  Ladislaw,  King  of  Naples,  as 
Gregory's  aider  and  abettor,  guilty  of  lieresj^ 
ordered  a  crusade  against  Ladislaw,  and  promised 
plenary  indulgences  to  all  who  should  either  take 
part  in  the  war  persontilly  or  furnish  pecuniary  aid 
towards  it.  In  May,  1412,  the  pope's  legates  or 
commissioners  came  to  Prague,  with  Wenceslas  of 
Tiem,  Dean  of  Passau,  at  their  head,  and  after 
obtaining  the  consent  of  the  king  and  archbishop, 
proceeded  to  the  execution  of  their  duties.  The 
sale  of  indulgences  had  been  in  evil  odour  at 
Prague  ever  since  the  jubilee  in  1893,  and  there- 


HUS   IN    CONFLICT   WITH   THE   PAPAL   POWER.     165 


fore  the  archbishop's  consistory  issued  injunctions 
whereby  certain  crying  abuses  were  to  be  kept 
down  on  the  present  occasion.  The  appraisement 
of  the  people  at  confession  was  especially  pro- 
hibited; that  is  to  say,  payments,  varying 
according  to  x)roperty  or  other  circumstances,  were 
forbidden  to  be  imposed  for  indulgences.  But 
the  papal  commissioner,  Tiem,  paid  little  heed 
thereto,  and  simply  carried  on  his  traffic  in  God's 
mercy  in  the  manner  best  suited  to  obtain  the 
largest  and  most  certain  gains.  To  make  the 
matter  easier,  he  farmed  out  entire  aTchdeaconries 
and  deaneries  or  individual  churches  to  priests, 
who  took  the  contracts  under  him,  paying  him 
fixed  sums  and  making  what  they  could  out  of  the 
indulgences  afterwards.  It  was  not  likely  that 
godly  priests  would  enter  into  such  contracts,  and, 
as  a  matter  of  fact,  they  were  undertaken  by  men 
notorious  for  avarice,  gambling,  concubinage,  and 
the  other  vices  in  vogue  among  the  clergy  of  the  day. 
These  men  trafficked  with  the  people  at  confession 
in  the  most  shameless  manner,  and  perpetrated 
various  disgraceful  actions.  A  broad  road  was 
opened  for  them  by  the  "  articles,"  v;hich  Tiem 
issued  as  a  guide  to  preachers  according  to  the 
tenour  of  the  papal  bull.  In  Prague,  which  he  kept 
under  his  own  superintendence,  three  churches 
were  appointed  for  hearing  confessions  and  grant- 
ing indulgences,  i.e.  the  cathedral,  the  church  on 
the  Vyssegrad,  and  the  Church  of  the  Virgin  in 
front  of  the  "  Teyn,"  commonly  called  the  "  Teyn" 


1C6  JOHN   HUS. 


Churcli.  In  each  of  these  was  fixed  a  box  or  chest, 
well  clamped  with  iron,  as  a  receptacle  for  money. 
That  in  the  cathedral  was  placed  behind  the  altar 
of  St.  Yitiis,  where  tlie  largest  number  of  people 
was  wont  to  pass. 

The  sale  of  indulgences  was  an  abuse  against 
wliich  godly  preachers  and  writers  had  long  ex- 
hibited the  greatest  zeal  in  Bohemia,  considering 
it  the- fountain-head  of  great  iniquities.  Thus  the 
pope's  bull  itself,  and  still  more  the  manner  in 
which  it  was  acted  upon,  caused  great  exasperation 
among  the  clergy  of  Hus's  party.  IIus  himself, 
and  others  with  him,  deemed  the  matter  one  in 
which  blind  obedience  ought  not  to  be  paid,  and 
consequently  determined  upon  resistance.  They 
first,  in  an  assembly  of  the  university,  raised  the 
question  whctlier  its  members  were  bound — in 
accordance  with  the  pope's  bull — to  contribute 
pecuniary  aid  for  the  crusade  against  Ladislaw, 
King  of  Naples.  The  Doctors  of  Theology  present, 
heatlcd  by  Stephen  Palecz,  Dean  of  the  Faculty, 
endeavoured  to  stop  the  discussion  by  arguing,  that 
it  did  not  appertain  to  them  to  judge  the  pope's 
bulls  or  resist  the  king's  command,  by  which  they 
had  been  approved.  Yet  Palecz,  when  Tiem's 
•'  articles,"  containing  the  rules  prescribed  to 
preachers,  first  came  into  his  hands,  had  declared, 
in  a  conversation  with  Hus  at  St.  Michael's  Par- 
sonage before  several  witnesses,  that  they  contained 
"  palpable  errors,"  "  errores  manu  palpahiUs.'"  But 
when  resistance  to  them,  and  thus  to  the  pope's 


HUS   IN   CONFLICT   WITH  THE  PAPAL   POWER.    167 

commands,  was  in  question,  Palecz  refused  assent 
to  the  views  of  Hns,  who  had  hitherto  been  his 
friend,  and  placed  himself  in  a  decided  attitude  of 
opposition  to  him,  as  did  also  their  older  and  once 
more  daring  comrade,  Stanislas  of  Znaym.  In 
Hus's  judgment,  it  was  their  harsh  imprisonment 
at  Bologna  that  filled  them  with  terror  of  the  papal 
power,  and  caused  this  entire  alteration  in  their 
views.  On  the  present  occasion,  the  majority  of 
the  assembly  decided  in  accordance  with  the  opinion 
of  the  doctors. 

Hub,  however,  did  not  allow  Jiimself  to  be  thus 
diverted  from  his  purpose,  but,  in  the  first  place, 
began  to  preach  about  the  pope's  bull,  and  to  set 
forth  bis  objections  to  its  improper  and  unworthy 
tenor.  He  also  wrote  and  published  a  special 
treatise  upon  the  subject.  Some  days  afterwards, 
he  announced  a  public  disputation  respecting  the 
bull,  to  be  held  in  the  great  hall  of  the  Carolinum 
on  June  7th,  and  issued  invitations  to  attend  it  by 
placards  affixed  to  almost  all  the  church  doors  in 
the  city,  to  those  of  the  cathedral  and  of  the  church 
on  the  Vyssegrad,  to  the  city  gates,  and  other  con- 
venient places  where  large  numbers  of  people  were 
wont  to  pass.  The  question  proposed  by  him  for 
discussion  was :  "  Whether,  according  to  Christ's 
law,  it  is  possible  and  beneficial,  for  the  honour  of 
God  and  the  salvation  of  Christian  people  and  for 
the  good  of  the  country,  to  recommend  to  Christ's 
faithful  people  the  pope's  bulls  respecting  the 
crusade  against  Ladislaw,  lung  of  Naples,  and  his 


168  JOHN   HUS, 


confederates?"  The  Theological  Faculty  sought 
to  prevent  Hus  from  carrying  out  his  intentions, 
and  commissioned  two  of  its  members  to  go  to  the 
archbishop  and  request  him  to  prohibit  the  dis- 
putation. It  was  undoubtedly  owing  to  this  that 
Hus  was  summoned  before  the  archbishop,  and 
that  the  pope's  commissioners  were  invited  to 
attend  at  the  same  time.  The  legates  asked  him 
whether  he  intended  to  obey  the  apostolic  com- 
mands. He  replied  that  he  was  willing  to  do  so 
with  his  whole  heart.  But  when,  pleased  at  such 
an  answer,  they  turned  to  the  archbishop  and  said, 
"  See  now,  he  is  willing  to  obey  the  commands  of 
our  Master  !  "  Hus  undeceived  them  by  saying, 
"Understand  me,  gentlemen!  I  term  the  doctrine 
of  Christ's  apostles  apostolic  commands,  and  so 
far  as  the  commands  of  the  Pope  of  Eome  agree 
with  that  doctrine  and  those  commands,  I  am 
willing  to  obey  them  gladly;  but  when  I  see  the 
contrary,  I  shall  not  obey,  even  if  ye  place  before 
me  fire  to  consume  my  body  !  "  The  Faculty  of 
Theology  now  tried  another  method.  It  issued  and 
placarded  a  prohibition  to  all  its  Bachelors,  for- 
bidding any  of  them  to  argue  against  the  pope's 
bulls.  Hus  was  a  Bachelor  of  Theology,  and  thus 
fell  under  the  prohibition,  which,  however,  he  only 
turned  into  ridicule,  both  in  the  schools  and  in  the 
pulpit. 

The  disputation  was  held  on  the  appointed  day, 
in  the  presence  of  a  very  large  audience  of  magis- 
ters,  bachelors,  and  students,  both  adversaries  and 


HUS  IN  CONFLICT  WITH   THE   PAPAL   POWER.     169 


friends  of  Hus  being  present.  The  magisters  sat 
together  in  order,  according  to  ancient  custom,  and 
when  Hus  had  stated  his  reasons  for  the  position, 
that  it  was  improper  to  give  money  to  the  pope  for 
the  purpose  of  shedding  Christian  blood,  expressed 
their  various  opinions  in  turn,  some  in  accordance 
with,  and  others  in  opposition  to,  his  views. 

After  this  disputation  Hus  scarcely  ever  lost  an 
opportunity  of  speaking  from  the  pulpit  with  respect 
to  the  pope's  indulgences,  and  of  exhorting  the  people 
not  to  pay  money  for  them.  He  worked  also  in  the 
same  direction  by  numerous  letters  sent  to  various 
districts  and  places  in  Bohemia  and  Moravia,  and 
also  in  Poland  and  Hungary.  He  even  addressed 
a  letter,  dated  June  10th,  to  Wladislaw,  King  of 
Poland,  urging  him  to  endeavour  to  stamp  out 
simony  in  his  realm.  His  words  had  a  powerful 
effect  upon  the  people,  so  that  not  only  did  the 
revenue  derived  from  the  traffic  in  indulgences 
suffer  great  diminution,  but  a  general  spirit  of  resist- 
ance to  ecclesiastical  authority  arose.  In  Prague 
various  excesses  took  place,  whereby  the  duties 
of  those  charged  with  the  execution  of  the  papal 
bulls  were  rendered  difficult  or  turned  into  ridicule. 
On  June  20th  there  was  found  in  the  money- 
box behind  the  altar  of  St.  Vitus  in  the  cathedral, 
a  tract  against  the  vendors  and  defenders  of  indul- 
gences, in  which  they  were  nicknamed  Asmodeists, 
Belialists  and  Mammonists,  and  were  finally  told, 
that  truth-speaking  Hus  was  more  to  be  believed 
than  an  assembly  of  cheating  church  dignitaries. 


170  JOHN   HUS. 


On  June  24th,  Prague  was  entertaiiiecl  with  a 
satirical  procession,  got  up  hy  Lord  Voksa  of  Wald- 
steiu,  one  of  the  king's  favonrites,  ^Yhich  was  con- 
cluded by  the  public  burning  of  documents  with 
seals  representing  papal  bulls,  a  more  particular 
account  of  which  will  be  given  in  the  biography 
of  Jerome  of  Prague.  This  was  followed  by  great 
excitement  among  the  populace,  young  men  going 
about  from  church  to  church,  and  giving  the  lie  to 
preachers  who  recommended  the  people  to  purchase 
indulgences. 

"While  this  was  going  on  at  Prague,  King  Wen- 
ceslas  was  staying  at  his  favourite  country  seats, 
Zebrak  and  Tocznik.  Doubtless  numerous  com- 
plaints from  the  pope's  legates  and  other  eccle- 
siastics reached  him  there,  setting  forth  the  various 
hindrances  and  annoyances  to  which  they  were 
subjected.  The  king,  unwilling  to  put  up  with  such 
disturbances  of  public  tranquillity,  summoned  some 
of  the  aldermen  and  principal  citizens  of  Prague  to 
Zebrak  about  the  middle  of  June,  and  shortly  after- 
wards a  strict  prohibition  was  issued  by  public  pro- 
clamation in  the  name  of  the  king  and  the  magis- 
trates, forbidding  any  one  to  speak  in  opposition  to 
the  preachers  or  the  papal  bulls. 

This,  however,  was  not  enough  for  the  opponents 
of  Hus's  party.  Their  aim  was  nothing  less  than 
the  extirpation  of  the  tendencies,  which  had  for 
their  end  and  object  the  reform  of  the  dominant 
system  among  the  clergy ;  and  the  weapon,  of  which 
tiicy  most  eagerly  availed  themselves,  Vi  as  accusa- 


HUS   IN   CONFLICT   WITH   THE   PAPAL   POWER.    171 

tion  of  heresy.  The  Faculty  of  Theology  now  came 
to  the  front,  headed  by  Stephen  Palecz  and  Stanis- 
las of  Znaym,  who  from  personal  friends  of  Hus's 
had  suddenly  become  the  deadly  enemies  of  the 
tendencies  in  which  they  had  formerly  stood  shoulder 
to  shoulder  with  him,  and  even  outstripped  him  in 
zeal  and  energy.  It  would  seem  that  King  Wen- 
ceslas  himself  requested  the  opinion  of  the  faculty 
as  to  the  best  method  of  restoring  tranquillity  thus 
disturbed  by  religious  discord.  The  assembly  of 
doctors  in  the  first  place  required  IIus  as  their  sub- 
ordinate— he  being  only  a  bachelor  in  Theology — to 
give  them  a  copy  of  his  treatise  on  the  bull  relating 
to  indulgences,  that  they  might  come  to  a  decision 
respecting  it.  Hus  refused  to  give  it.  The  doctors 
then  took  as  their  basis  the  forty-five  articles  ex- 
tracted from  the  writings  of  Wycliffe,  which  had  been 
condemned  nine  and  again  four  years  previously 
by  the  university  in  general,  and  the  Bohemian 
"nation"  in  particular,  once  more  declaring  which 
of  them  were  "heretical,"  which  "erroneous,"  and 
which  "  scandalous  "  or  "  contrary  to  good  morals." 
They  also  framed  six  other  articles  relating  to  late 
events  : 

(1)  That  every  one  was  a  heretic,  who  thought  otherwise 
tlian  the  Church  of  Eome  respecting  the  sacraments  and  the 
power  of  the  keys ;  (2)  That  it  was  an  error  to  teach,  that  the 
anti-Christ,  who  was  to  come  at  the  end  of  the  world,  w^as  existing 
and  reigning  in  those  days ;  (3)  An  error,  that  the  constitutions 
of  the  holy  fathers  and  laudable  customs  ought  not  to  be  main- 
tained, because  they  were  not  contained  in  Holy  Scripture ;  (4) 
An  error,  that  the  relics  of  the  saints  ought  not  to  be  venerated 


172  JOHN   IIUS. 


by  the  faithful ;  (5)  An  error,  that  a  priest  did  not  absolve 
ministerially  in  the  sacrament  of  '->enance,  but  merely  announced 
to  the  penitent  confessing  that  he  was  absolved ;  ((5)  An  error, 
that  the  pope  could  not  summon  the  persons  of  Christ's  faithfiil 
ones,  or  ask  aid  from  them  for  the  defence  of  the  holy  see  and 
the  chastisement  of  the  adversaries  and  enemies  of  Christ,  by 
granting  to  such  as  faithfully  aided,  truly  repented,  confessed 
and  were  contrite,  full  remission  of  all  their  sins.  A  seventh 
article  was  added,  affirming  that  the  injunction  of  the  king  and 
the  citizens,  prohibiting  any  one  from  clamouring  against  the 
preachers  or  papal  bulls,  was  just,  reasonable,  and  holy. 

Both  these  sets  of  articles  were  laid  before  the  king 
by  the  Faculty  of  Theology,  with  the  advice,  that  the 
a.rchbishop  by  the  king's  command  and  in  concert 
with  the  "prelates,"  the  chapter  of  Prague  and  the 
other  chapters,  and  also  with  the  university,  should 
cause  their  condemnation  to  be  proclaimed  anew, 
in  such  manner  that,  whoso  should  thereafter  not 
behave  accordingly,  should  fall  under  sentence  of 
excommunication  and  other  penalties,  which  the 
king  of  his  good  pleasure  should  annex  thereto,  in 
particular  that  of  exile  from  the  realm.  They  ad- 
vised also,  that  certain  preachers,  from  whom  dis- 
turbances and  disputes  among  the  people  originated, 
should  be  inhibited  from  preaching.  It  is  self- 
evident  that  this  was  primarily  directed  against  Hus. 

If  the  fragmentary  and  defective  notices  extant 
are  understood  aright,  it  would  seem  that  the  king 
summoned  the  Doctors  of  Theology  on  the  one  hand, 
and  Hus  and  the  magisters  of  his  party  on  the 
other,  to  Zebrak  shortly  after  the  beginning  of  June, 
in  order  to  make  an  attempt  at  bringing  about  a 


HUS  IN  CONFLICT   WITH   THE   PAPAL   POWER.    173 

reconciliation  between  them.  Both  parties  met 
first  at  the  parsonage  in  the  town  of  Zebrak. 
There  Stephen  Palecz  read  a  document  composed 
by  himself  and  Stanislas  of  Zd  aym  against  Hus  in 
the  name  of  the  faculty,  accusing  him  of  disobe- 
dience to  the  facult}''  in  refusing  to  give  up  his 
treatise;  nay,  even  of  disobedience  to  the  king  him- 
self, inasmuch  as  the  royal  councillors  had  by  royal 
command  ordered  the  treatise  to  be  delivered  to  the 
doctors,  and  the  doctors  to  give  in  their  opinion 
respecting  it  in  writing.  When  the  magisters  of 
both  parties  were  summoned  before  the  king's 
council,  and  Hus  was  bidden  to  deliver  his  treatise 
to  the  doctors,  he  declared  his  willingness  so  to  de- 
liver it,  provided  the  doctors  would  agree  with  him 
to  a  reciprocal  wager  of  death  by  burning.  This 
terrified  them,  and  they  requested  permission  to  go 
aside  for  consultation.  On  returning  to  the  council- 
room,  they  declared  their  willingness  to  give  up  one 
of  their  number  for  the  purpose,  but  not  to  enter 
into  the  engagement  collectively.  To  this  Hus 
replied,  that  if  they  stood  as  one  man  collectively 
against  him,  a  single  individual,  they  must  also 
accept  the  penalty  of  death  by  burning,  whether  it 
were  to  fall  upon  himself,  the  individual,  or  upon 
them  collectively.  But  the  royal  councillors  put  an 
end  to  the  altercation  by  saying  to  both  parties: 
"  Pieconcile  yourselves  handsomely;  "  and  therewith 
broke  up  the  meeting. 

Soon  afterwards  (July  lOtli),  the  articles  of  the 
Faculty  of  Theology  were  taken  into  consideration  at 


174  JOHN   HUS. 


Zebrak,  in  a  meeting  of  certain  of  the  king's  coun- 
cillors appointed  for  the  purpose,  which  two  alder- 
men and  two  citizens  from  each  of  the  three  towns 
of  Prague  were  also  summoned  to  attend.  This 
meeting  was  held  at  the  house  of  the  king's  under- 
treasurer,  Conrad  Bishop  of  Olmiitz,  in  the  town  of 
Zebrak,  but  it  is  not  known  what,  or  whether  any, 
decision  was  arrived  at. 

However,  on  the  next  Sunday,  fresh  disturbances 
took  place  at  Prague,  and  the  preachers  recommend- 
ing the  indulgences  were  again  contradicted  in  their 
sermons.  Three  young  men,  apparently  of  the 
artizan  class,  and  probably  apprentices  living  with 
their  masters,  named  respectively  Martin,  John, 
and  Stasek,  were  arrested  in  three  different  churches, 
and  brought  to  the  town  hall  of  the  Old  Town, 
where  the  magistrates  contemplated  dealing  severely 
with  them  according  to  the  late  proclamation. 
Others,  who  were  found  acting  similarly  in  the 
cathedral  w^ere  merely  hustled,  scourged,  or  cud- 
gelled by  the  clerics  of  the  choir. 

The  fear,  that  these  three  young  men  would  pay 
for  their  misconduct  with  their  lives,  caused  great 
excitement  in  Prague,  and  in  particular  touched 
John  Hus  to  the  quick,  as  it  was  the  attitude 
assumed  by  himself  against  the  indulgences  that 
had  been  their  principal  incentive.  He  therefore, 
on  the  following  miorning  (July  11th),  betook  him- 
self, with  a  large  number  of  magisters  and  students, 
to  the  town  hall,  and  requested  to  be  admitted  into 
the  presence  of  the  aldermen.     He  must  have  felt 


HUS   IN   CONFLICT   AVITH   TIIE   PAPAL   POWER.     175 

himself  the  more  strongly  urged  to  this,  as  the 
aldermen  had  very  early  caused  their  beadles  to 
give  public  notice  to  all  people,  rich  and  poor, 
without  exception,  to  meet  in  the  ''ring,"  or  great 
square,  which  caused  something  extraordinary  to 
be  anticipated.  The  assembled  aldermen  allowed 
Hus  and  several  magisters  to  come  before  them, 
while  the  remainder,  magisters  and  students  (ac- 
cording to  the  testimony  of  an  eyewitness,  about 
two  thousand  in  number),  remained  standing  below 
in  front  of  the  town  hall.  A  multitude  of  other 
people  also  assembled,  both  on  account  of  the 
public  notice,  and  also  because  of  the  unusual  eon- 
course  of  magisters  and  students.  Hus  entreated 
the  aldermen  not  to  do  anything  to  the  three 
prisoners,  saying  that  he  was  himself  the  cause  of 
the  resistance  to  the  indulgences  ;  if,  therefore, 
they  were  going  to  do  anything  to  them,  let  it  be 
done  to  himself  in  the  first  instance.  The  alder- 
men, after  consultation  together,  replied,  that 
nothing  would  happen  to  the  prisoners ;  Hus  and 
the  others  might  go  home  with  their  friends  in 
tranquillity.  Calmed  by  this,  Hus  departed  to  his 
abode,  and  the  rest,  after  accompanying  him  thither, 
dispersed  to  their  own  homes. 

But  the  aldermen  had  been  merely  making  use 
of  deceit  in  order  to  carry  out  their  intentions  with- 
out interruption.  As  soon  as  Hus  had  departed 
with  the  magisters  and  students,  they  ordered  the 
beadles  to  give  notice  to  the  rest  of  the  people  to 
disperse  likewise.     When  this  had  partially  taken 


176  JOHN   HUS. 


XDlace,  they  caused  the  three  prisoners  to  be  led  out 
to  execution,  surrounded  by  a  large  body  of  armed 
men.  They  did  not,  however,  conduct  them  to  the 
ordinary  place  of  execution  under  the  pillory  on 
the  north  side  of  the  "ring,"  but  forming  a  dense 
circle  of  armed  men  round  the  prisoners  at  a  spot 
near  a  house  at  the  corner  of  "  Green  Street,"  there 
caused  them  to  be  beheaded,  while  a  beadle  pro- 
claimed:  "Whoso  commits  the  same,  the  same 
shall  be  done  to  him."  At  these  words  many  of 
the  bystanders,  laymen  and  clergymen,  men  and 
women,  shouted  that  the  prisoners  had  been  wrong- 
fully beheaded ;  they  too  were  ready  to  undergo 
the  same  for  the  same  cause.  Some  of  them  were 
actually  arrested  and  led  to  prison,  which  caused 
great  murmuring  and  uproar  among  the  increasing 
multitude.  Finally,  a  charitable  woman  stepped 
forward,  and  placed  three  white  linen  cloths  on 
the  ground  to  cover  the  corpses,  and  immediately, 
under  the  guidance  of  a  young  m agister,  John  of 
Jiczin,  a  vast  procession  of  magisters,  bachelors, 
students,  and  others  was  formed,  the  bodies  were 
taken  up  under  the  eyes  of  the  aldermen  and  armed 
men,  and  carried  devoutly  to  their  burial.  Magis- 
ter  Jiczin  commenced  with  a  loud  voice  the  anthem, 
"  Isti  sunt  sancii,"  "They  are  holy,"  as  usually 
chanted  at  commemorations  of  martyrs,  and  thus 
they  were  borne  in  a  vast  crowd  of  people,  high 
and  low,  and  of  both  sexes,  with  loud  chanting,  and 
also  with  much  weeping  and  wailing,  to  the  chapel 
Bethlehem,  where  they  were  interred, 


HUS  IN  CONFLICT  WITH   THE   PAPAL   POWER.    177 

To  this  religious  excitement  was  attached  also, 
to  a  certain  extent,  the  incentive  of  national  feeling 
on  the  part  of  the  Bohemian  against  the  German 
population.  An  old  Bohemian  annalist,  who  was 
an  eyewitness,  ascribes  the  excessive  severity  em- 
ployed towards  the  three  young  men  partly  to  the 
circumstance  that  all  the  aldermen  of  the  Old  Town 
at  that  time  were  Germans,  as  were  also  the  armed 
men  in  their  service,  and  complains  bitterly  of  the 
German  inhabitants,  many  of  whom  were  present 
and  looking  on  with  approving  eyes.  It  is  true 
that  there  was  a  German  majority  in  the  town 
council,  hut  the  statement  that  its  members  were 
all  Germans  is  not  literally  true. 

The  excitement  which  this  cruel  execution  caused 
in  the  population  of  Prague,  evidently  surprised 
and  terrified  the  aldermen.  They,  therefore,  on 
the  morrow  (July  12th)  sought  to  get  quietly 
rid  of  the  prisoners  arrested  on  the  preceding  day. 
But  they  were  again  obliged  to  have  recourse  to 
deceit,  because  the  prisoners,  animated  by  some- 
what of  the  spirit  of  Paul  and  Silas  at  Philippi, 
refused  to  be  satisfied  with  their  release  and  take 
their  departure.  The  beadles  were  obliged  to  notify 
to  the  i^risoners  that  they  were  to  go  before  the 
aldermen  for  trial,  and  then,  on  their  leaving  the 
prison  at  this  summons,  the  prison  and  town  hall 
were  both  closed,  and  they  were  bidden  to  depart 
to  their  own  homes.  Some  Avho  remained  standing 
in  front  of  the  town  hall  were  threatened  away  with 
scourges.     Through  this  the  populace  became  em- 

N 


178  JOHN   HUS. 


boldened.  Everywliere  the  aldermen  were  spoken 
against  and  accused  of  unrighteously  shedding 
innocent  blood  ;  and  for  several  days  some  hundreds 
of  people  paraded  in  front  of  the  town  hall,  shout- 
ing that  they  too  were  willing  to  die  for  the  truth. 
The  beadles  had  plenty  of  occupation  in  prohibiting 
the  assembling  of  crowds  in  front  of  the  town  hall, 
but  the  more  they  made  proclamation,  the  larger 
were  the  multitudes  that  assembled,  and  if  these 
dispersed  for  a  time,  they  soon  reassembled  anew. 
Not  knowing  what  to  do,  the  aldermen  went  to  the 
king,  and  requested  orders  from  him,  as  they  were 
unable  to  quiet  the  disturbance.  King  Wenceslas 
flew  into  a  passion,  and  is  reported  to  have  said  to 
them  :  "Be  there  a  thousand  such  people,  let  it 
be  done  to  them  as  to  the  others;  and  if  ye  have 
not  executioners  enough  in  this  realm,  I  will  have 
them  fetched  from  other  countries."  But  the 
aldermen  did  not  venture  to  act  upon  the  flighty 
and  passionate  expressions  of  the  king. 

Anger  at  the  defiant  conduct  of  the  people  of 
Prague  appears  to  have  finally  inclined  the  king  to 
the  advice  tendered  him  by  the  Faculty  of  Theology. 
He  summoned  a  conjoint  meeting  of  the  clergy  and 
university,  as  proposed  by  the  faculty,  in  order 
that  the  articles  above  mentioned  might  then  and 
there  be  condemned.  This  meeting  was  held  after 
the  fashion  of  a  synod  on  the  next  Saturday  (July 
ICth)  in  the  town  hall  of  the  Old  Town.  Several 
bishops  were  there  (but  it  is  not  known  whether 
Aichbishop  Albik  was  present  or  not),  many  canons, 


HUS  IN   CONFLICT  WITH   THE   PAPAL   POWER.    170 

several  abbots,  the  Prague  incumbents,  and  also 
the  aldermen  of  the  Old  Town  and  perhaps  of  the 
other  towns  of  Prague.     To  strike  terror  into  the 
excited  populace,  the  town  hall  was  surrounded  by 
a  considerable  armed  force.      But  the  university, 
which  was  especially  intended  to  participate  in  the 
condemnation  of  the  articles,  divided  itself  into  two 
parts.     The  Doctors  of  Theology  presented  them- 
selves at  the  town  hall  and  were  the  chief  leaders 
of  the  x)roceedings  there,  but  the  majority  of  the 
magisters,  and  with  them  almost  all  the  bachelors 
and  students,  assembled  in  the  Carolinum,  where 
the  magisters  consulted  together  under  the  presi- 
dency of  the  rector,  Magister  Marek  of  Konigratz. 
Disapproving  alike  of  a  bare  condemnation  of  the 
forty-five  articles  extracted  from  Wycliffe's  works, 
and  of  a  bare  assent  to  the  six  articles  of  the  Theo- 
logical Faculty,  they  sent  deputies  from  their  body 
to  the  town  hall,  to  summon  the  members  of  the 
university  there  present  to  come  to  the  Carolinum, 
as   the   appointed  place   for   university    business. 
This  duty  was  undertaken  by  the  rector  himself  in 
conjunction   with   two   other    magisters,    Frederic 
Epinge  and  Procop  of  Pilsen.     When  the  Doctors 
of  Theology  and  their  associates  refused  to  yield  to 
their  representations,  Magister  Marek  and  his  com- 
panions protested  against  the  condemnation  of  the 
articles  in  the  town  hall,  so  far  as  it  was  not  de- 
monstrated by  proofs  from  Holy  Scripture.     The 
meeting,  however,  paid  no  regard  to  their  protest, 
and  passed  a  resolution,  that  no  one  should  main- 


ISO  JOHN  HUS. 


tain  the  articles,  which  had  been  read  before  it, 
under  penalty  of  excommimication,  of  confiscation 
of  property,  and  of  banishment  from  the  realm. 

On  the  Sunday  after  (July  17th),  a  vast  con- 
gregation assembled  at  Bethlehem,  thirsting  to 
hear  what  Hus  would  say  in  his  sermon  about  the 
young  men  who  had  been  executed.  He,  however, 
had  neither  taken  part  in  their  solemn  funeral,  nor 
did  he  then  say  a  single  word  about  the  event,  a 
thing  upon  which  an  evil  construction  w^as  put,  as 
if,  forsooth,  the  beadles  and  aldermen  had  stopped 
his  mouth.  Possibly  his  motive  was  to  avoid 
further  exciting  the  people,  already  in  far  too 
stormy  a  temper.  Nor  was  it  till  the  next  Sunday, 
July  24th,  that  he  made  any  mention  of  the  un- 
fortunate young  men,  when  he  spoke  in  praise  of 
their  guiltless  death,  and  exhorted  his  hearers  not  to 
allow  themselves  by  any  tortures  to  be  scared  away 
from  the  truth. 

Totally  different  was  the  language  now  held  by 
his  former  friend,  Stephen  Paleez.  Preaching  in 
the  cluu-ch  of  St.  Gallus,  he  warned  his  hearers 
against  the  doctrines  of  Wycliffe,  which  he  had 
formerly  defended.  He  plainly  designated  Wycliffe 
a  heretic,  and  a  more  dangerous  heretic,  the  more 
circumspectly  he  covered  and  guarded  his  errors 
with  texts  of  scripture. 

"  So  delicions,"  he  said,  "  are  Lis  \vriUiigs  to  manj-,  tliat  it 
is  deliglitful  for  them  to  go  to  death  for  their  sake  ;  even  as  j'C 
have  seen  how  delightedly  and  boldly  some  have  bent  their 
necks  beneath  the  sword.     And  this," he  continned,  "is a  great 


HUS   IN   CONFLICT  WITH  THE  PAPAL   POWER.    181 

token  of  heresy  ;  for  amongst  us  would  scarce  one,  or  perhaps 
not  one,  he  found  whe  would  give  himself  up  to  death  for  the 
truth,"  And  again  :  "  See  how  timid  their  faith  is !  for  they 
dare  not  go  anywhere  with  it.  For  if  they  went  to  Rome  or 
elsewhere,  and  did  not  recant  it,  they  would  he  hurned  as 
heretics.     But  we  can  go  anywhere  safely  with  our  faith." 

Such  language  exhibits  the  mean  nature  of  this 
man,  with  whom  Hus  was  now  no  longer  on  speak- 
ing terms.  In  a  last  conversation  Hus  had  taken 
leave  of  him  with  the  words  :  "  Palecz  is  a  friend, 
Truth  is  a  friend.  Both  being  friends,  it  is  con- 
scientious to  give  the  preference  to  Truth." 

Hus's  uprising  against  the  papal  indulgences 
was  such  an  assault  upon  the  simoniacal  system 
of  the  day,  that  it  could  not  but  raise  a  storm 
against  him  in  the  highest  ecclesiastical  quarter, 
the  court  of  Home.  His  lawsuit  with  Archbishop 
Zbynek  had  there  dragged  its  slow  length  along 
till  the  death  of  the  archbishop.  Not  long  after 
Cardinal  Colonna  had  issued  sentence  of  excom- 
munication against  Hus,  the  pope  transferred  the 
further  conduct  of  the  case  to  certain  other  car- 
dinals. But  when  they  provisionally  allowed  Hus's 
excuses  for  not  appearing  personally,  he  took  it 
again  out  of  their  hands  and  entrusted  it  to  one 
only  of  their  number.  Cardinal  Ludovico  de  Bran- 
catiis,  commonly  called  Cardinal  Brancas,  who 
took  no  steps  whatever  to  bring  it  to  a  conclusion, 
in  spite  of  all  the  urgency  of  Hus's  procurators. 

After  the  death  of  Archbishop  Zbynek,  but  in  all 
probability  before  the   hnal   confirmation   of   his 


-182  JOHN  HUS. 


successor,  the  dignitaries  of  the  cathedral  at 
Prague  caused  renewed  complaint  to  be  made 
against  Hus  through  Canon  John  Cifer  and  the 
priest  Michael,  surnamed  "  de  Causis,"  from  his 
office  of  a  "procurator  de  causis  fidei."  This  latter 
was  a  man  of  evil  reputation,  a  German  by  lan- 
guage, a  native  of  Deutschbrod  in  Bohemia.  In 
1399  he  was  appointed  to  the  incumbency  of  St. 
Adalbert  in  the  New  Town  of  Prague,  but  his 
spiritual  duties  were  never  very  near  his  heart. 
Having  some  knowledge  of  mining,  ho  obtained  a 
commission  from  King  Wenceslas  to  improve  the 
gold  mines  of  Jilow,  and  the  requisite  sum  of  money 
was  entrusted  to  him  for  the  purpose.  He,  how- 
ever, about  1408,  absconded  with  the  money,  and 
betook  himself  to  the  papal  court,  where  he  ap- 
pears to  have  maintained  himself  by  practising  as 
a  lawyer.  Being  retained  by  the  "prelates"  of 
Prague,  he  presented  to  Cardinal  Brancas  a  plaint 
against  Hus,  in  which  he  audaciously  accused 
him  of  all  the  heretical  doctrines,  which  Hus  had 
more  than  once  publicly  repudiated,  and  moreover 
of  disobedience  to  his  ecclesiastical  superiors,  and 
of  exciting  disturbances  among  the  people,  petition- 
ing that  he  might  be  proclaimed  a  heretic,  de- 
prived of  his  office  of  preacher,  compelled  to  recant 
his  errors,  and  punished  according  to  hiAv. 

By  the  exertions  of  these  new  complainants 
Cardinal  Brancas  was  probably  still  more  hardened 
against  Hus's  legal  representatives,  so  that,  when 
they  waited  upon  him  with  requests  that  the  caso 


HUS  IN   CONFLICT  WITH   THE   PAPAL   POWER,    183 

might  be  brought  to  a  conclusion,  he  finally  forbade 
them  to  represent  Hus  any  longer,  or  to  come 
to  him  any  more,  as  he  had  no  intention  of  hearing 
them  again,  such  being  the  commands  he  had  re- 
ceived from  the  pope.  As,  however,  they  did  not 
cease  their  importunities,  some  of  them  were  im- 
prisoned and  part  of  their  property  taken  from 
them.  Michael  de  Causis  furthermore  accused 
Hus's  principal  representative,  Magister  John  of 
Jesenitz,  of  being  a  heretic  himself,  and  filed  a 
plaint  against  him  towards  the  end  of  1411,  firstly, 
as  a  supporter  of  Hus  in  his  heresy,  and  secondly, 
on  account  of  certain  theories  maintained  by  him 
in  the  hall  of  the  College  of  Jurisprudence  at  Prague 
on  September  25th,  1407.  At  Michael's  request 
the  papal  "  auditor,"  to  whom  this  plaint  was 
referred,  inhibited  Jesenitz  from  leaving  Eome 
until  he  had  satisfactorily  cleared  himself;  nay, 
by  order  of  the  pope  himself  he  was  cast  into 
prison  in  March,  1412.  Magister  John,  however, 
made  his  way  out  of  prison  during  the  same  mouth, 
and  escaped  from  Eome  to  Bologna.  Failing  there- 
fore to  appear  at  Eome  on  the  day  appointed,  he 
was  formally  excommunicated  on  July  29th,  1412. 
Hus's  other  procurators  also  quitted  Eome  after 
suffering  various  humiliations,  the  whole  time  of 
their  fruitless  residence  there  having  been  about 
a  year  and  a  half.  Hus's  expenses  in  the  conduct 
of  his  cause  amounted  to  over  1100  florins,  with 
which,  however,  he  was  supplied  by  some  of  his 
wealthier  friends. 


18-i  JOHN   HUR. 

At  the  time  of  the  excommunication  of  John  of 
Jesenitz,  news  had  ah-eady  arrived   at   Eome   of 
Hiis's  resistance  to  the  sale  of  indulgences,  and 
so  had  the  new  plaint  of  the   clergy  of   Prague 
against  him.     These  things  at  length  induced  the 
l^apal  curia  to  bring  his  case  to  a  conclusion,  and 
that  not  in  a  manner  favom-able  to  himself.     Pope 
John  placed  it   in  the   hands  of    another  judge. 
Cardinal  Peter   of   St.  Angelo,  who  proceeded  to 
final  sentence  in  the  course  of  July.     He  decreed 
an  "aggravation"  of  the  excommunication  issued 
by  Cardinal  Colonna  in  the  preceding  year,  so  that 
the  excommunication  was  to  be  publicly  proclaimed, 
with  a  warning  to  all  believers  not  to  hold  com- 
munication  with   Hus,   publicly   or   privately,    in 
eating   and  drinking,   in   conversation,  in  buying 
and  selling,  in  walking  about  with  him,  in  recep- 
tion into  lodgings,  in  giving  fire  and  water,  and  in 
all  and  singular  good  actions,  and  with  a  prohibition 
forbidding  any  member  of  his  household  to  attend 
Divine  service.      If   Hus   continued   obstinate  for 
twenty  days,  a  renewed  aggravation  was  decreed, 
so  that   everybody  was  also  to  lie  under  excom- 
munication who  held  communication  with  him  in 
any  wise  soever,  and  that  in  every  place,  in  which 
Hus  should  stay.  Divine  service  was  to  be   sus- 
pended so  long  as  lie  should   there  remain,  and 
one   day  after  his  departure.     Again,  if  after  this 
he  did  not  within  twenty  days  submit  and  apply 
for  absolution,  the  interdict  was  to  be  maintained 
in  all  places  to  vdiich  he  should  go  until  three  days 


TIUS  IN   CONFLICT   WITH  THE  PAPAL  POWER,    185 

after  liis  departure  ;  and  after  renewed  publication 
of  the  excommunication,  aggravation  and  re-ag- 
gravation in  all  cliurclies,  convents,  and  chapels, 
three  stones  were  to  be  cast  at  the  house  in  which 
he  resided,  in  token  of  everlasting  damnation. 

This  sentence  no  doubt  arrived  at  Prague  some 
time  in  August  1412.  Hus  composed  a  public 
protest  against  it,  in  which,  after  the  example  of 
Robert  Grostete,  Bishop  of  Lincoln,  he  appealed 
TO  Christ,  the  most  righteous  Judge,  and  declared 
that  wrong  was  being  done  him,  for  he  had  had 
sufficient  excuses  for  non-appearance  before  the 
pope,  but  had  for  two  years  been  unable  to  obtain 
a  hearing  for  them  ;  wherefore  he  declared  himself 
not  guilty  of  contumacy,  and  unaffected  by  the 
pretended  and  frivolous  excommunication. 

Meanwhile  further  steps  were  taken  by  the  papal 
court  against  Hus  himself  and  his  friends.  Cardinal 
Peter  of  St.  Angelo  had  probably  already  issued  his 
sentence,  when  news  came  to  Rome  respecting  the 
further  course  of  events  at  Prague  after  Hus's  dis- 
putation against  indulgences,  and  in  particular 
respecting  the  extraordinary  proceedings  by  which 
the  pope's  bulls  had  been  turned  into  ridicule.  On 
the  basis  of  this  intelligence  Michael  de  Causis 
drew  up  new  plaints  at  the  papal  court,  in  which 
he  referred  in  insulting  terms  to  King  Wenceslas 
himself,  and  requested  that  some  of  the  king's 
favourite  courtiers  should  be  personally  cited  to 
Rome,  and  moreover  that  Hus,  as  a  manifest 
defender  of  Wycliffite   doctrines,  and   others  who 


18G  JOHN   HUS. 


agreed  with  him  therein,  should  be  without  further 
judicial  proceedings  proclaimed  heretics,  and  as 
such  be  arrested  and  delivered  over  to  the  secular 
arm ;  also  that  Wycliffe's  books  should  be  burned 
at  Eome,  and  wherever  else  they  should  be  found. 
As  Hus's  associates  deserving  of  punishment,  he 
especially  named  John  of  Jesenitz,  Zdislaw  of  War- 
tenburg,  Jacob  of  Stribro,  Procop  of  Pilsen, 
and  Marek  of  Konigratz.  Pope  John  shrank  from 
harsh  measures  against  King  Wenceslas,  whose  aid 
he  still  required  against  the  anti-Pope  Gregory, 
neither  did  he  venture  to  make  a  du-ect  attack  upon 
his  courtiers,  but  in  all  other  respects  he  approved 
the  proposals  made  to  him.  A  new  bull  was  issued 
and  sent  to  Bohemia,  commanding  Hus  to  be 
arrested  and  delivered  over  either  to  the  archbishop 
or  the  Bishop  of  Litomysl  or  some  other  judge  to  be 
condemned  and  burnt ;  ordering  the  chapel  Bethle- 
hem to  be  destroyed  and  levelled  with  the  ground  as 
a  nest  of  heresy,  and  the  above-named  and  all  other 
aiders  and  abettors  of  Hus  to  be  under  excommuni- 
cation, and  if  they  did  not  after  warning  recant 
within  thirty  days,  requiring  them  to  appear  within 
forty  days  personally  at  the  court  of  Piome  and 
answer  the  plaint  of  Michael  de  Causis. 

The  publication  of  Hus's  excommunication  by 
the  pope  and  these  still  more  violent  injunctions 
caused  great  excitement  among  the  inhabitants  of 
Prague.  When,  after  expiration  of  the  term  of  the 
first  aggravation  (probably  some  time  in  Septem- 
ber), Divine  service  was  ordered  to  be  put  a  stop  to 


HUS   IN   CONFLICT   WITH   THE   PAPAL   POWER.    187 

throughout  all  Prague,  with  the  exception  of  the 
Vyssegrad,  which  was  protected  by  the  peculiar 
privileges  of  its  chapter,  and  when  the  priests  con- 
sequently refused  either  to  baptize  children  or  to 
perform  the  funeral  service  over  the  dead,  the  part 
of  the  population  which  favoured  Hus  was  still 
more  irritated  against  them,  while  another  part 
was  angry  with  Hus  and  impatient  at  suffering 
such  tribulation  on  his  account.  The  German 
inhabitants  began  almost  universally  to  behave  in 
a  manner  hostile  to  Hus,  while  the  majority  of  the 
Bohemians  defended  him.  Some  of  the  king's 
courtiers  behaved  defiantly  towards  the  clergy  who 
obeyed  the  pope,  and  began  to  conduct  the  funeral 
services  over  the  dead  themselves.  Hus  himself, 
regardless  of  the  interdict,  preached  as  usual  every 
Sunday  at  Bethlehem,  and  so  did  Nicholas  of 
Miliczin,  John  Stiekna's  successor  in  the  second 
preachership  there.  The  Germans  now  formed  a 
conspiracy  against  Hus,  intending  to  offer  their 
services  for  the  execution  of  the  papal  order  for  his 
arrest.  On  October  1st,  the  anniversary  of  the 
consecration  of  the  cathedral,  they  assembled  in 
armour,  with  crossbows,  partizans  and  swords, 
under  the  leadership  of  Bernard  Chotek,  who  was 
in  charge  of  the  church  of  St.  Philip  and  St.  James, 
the  parish  in  which  the  chapel  Bethlehem  vvas 
situated,  and  marched  to  Bethlehem,  while  Hus 
was  actually  delivering  a  sermon  there.  But  his 
hearers,  though  unarmed,  boldly  confronted  their 
armed  adversaries  and  forced  them  to  retire.    Still 


188  JOHN   HUS. 


attacks  directed  against  Hus  continued  to  be 
renewed  in  various  ^Yays  to  sucli  an  extent,  that  be 
could  not  but  be  in  fear  of  bis  life.  Considering 
also  the  distress  of  the  people,  who  felt  grievously 
the  deprivation  of  the  sacraments,  and  were  thus 
becoming  dispirited,  be  finally  made  up  his  mind 
to  quit  Prague,  that  the  cause  of  the  interdict 
might  be  removed.  In  bis  own  words  he  ''fled, 
that  he  might  not  be  to  the  unrighteous  the  cause 
of  eternal  damnation,  and  to  the  righteous  a  cause 
of  suffering  and  tribulation,  and  also  that  in  their 
madness  they  might  not  put  a  stop  to  the  service 
of  God." 

After  his  departure  a  meeting  was  held  in  the 
town  hall  of  the  Old  Town,  in  which  the  destruction 
of  Bethlehem  according  to  the  pope's  command 
was  discussed.  This  was  probably  an  assembly  of 
the  whole  community,  in  which  the  Bohemians 
and  Germans  deliberated  apart.  The  Germans 
decided  for  the  destruction  of  the  chapel,  and  were 
joined  therein  by  some  of  the  Bohemians,  one  of 
whom  afterwards  delivered  an  address  to  the 
Bohemians  to  that  effect.  But  the  majority  of  the 
Bohemian  citizens  expressed  itself  counter  to  any 
such  act,  which  consequently  the  other  party  did 
not  venture  to  undertake  by  itself. 

Party  spirit  for  and  against  Hus  was  undoubtedl}^ 
the  cause  of  various  other  disturbances  and  breaches 
of  the  peace  at  Prague.  In  the  university  also  there 
was  much  discord  on  the  subject  of  religion,  which 
especially  exhibited  itself  at  the  election  of  a  rector 


HUS   IX   CONFLICT  WITH   THE   PAPAL   POWER.    18*J 

of  the  three  faculties  on  St.  Galkis'  clay,  1412,  after 
the  conckisioii  of  the  rectorship  of  Marek  of  Konig- 
ratz.  The  Doctors  of  Theology  endeavoured  to 
obtain  the  election  of  a  partizan  of  their  own, 
Nicholas  Hernetz  (Cacabus),  a  Bachelor  of  Laws, 
and  finding  themselves  unable  to  induce  the  meet- 
ing to  adopt  their  views,  withdrew  in  a  body.  The 
meeting  then  proceeded  to  elect  Magister  Christian 
of  Prachatitz,  incumbent  of  St.  Michael's  in  the 
Old  Town,  and  one  of  Hus's  most  faithful  friends. 
After  some  negotiation  the  theologians  found  them- 
selves with  no  alternative  but  submission  to  the 
will  of  the  majority. 

It  was  not  till  a  little  after  this  election  that 
Magister  John  of  Jesenitz  returned  to  Prague. 
After  his  escape  from  the  papal  prison  at  Piome,  he 
betook  himself  to  Bologna  and  prosecuted  his  legal 
studies  in  that  university.  His  place  of  residence 
was  apparently  unknown  at  Eome,  when  he  was 
formally  excommunicated  there  on  July  29th.  But 
in  September  an  order  came  from  the  pope  to  the 
vicar  general  of  the  bishop  and  the  authorities  of 
the  city  of  Bologna,  to  arrest  John  of  Jesenitz,  and 
this  order  was  carried  into  execution.  However, 
his  friends  appear  to  have  taken  up  his  case  on  the 
basis  of  the  liberties  of  the  university,  and  to  have 
effected  his  release  from  the  common  prison  as  a 
member  thereof.  They  even  obtained  his  promo- 
tion to  the  degree  of  Doctor  of  Laws,  though,  it  is 
said,  without  the  knowledge  of  the  rector  and  certain 
others  in  authority,  and  with  the  omission  of  the 


190  JOHN   HUS. 


usual  ceremonies.  In  all  probability  before  the 
papal  curia  received  information  of  these  proceed- 
ings, John  of  Jesenitz  secured  himself  by  making 
his  escape  to  Prague.  On  December  18th,  1412, 
under  the  auspices  of  the  new  rector.  Christian  of 
Prachatitz,  he  held  a  solemn  disputation  in  the 
college,  in  which  he  proved  from  the  laws  of  the 
Church,  that  the  excommunication  fulminated  by 
the  pope  against  Hus  was  legally  null  and  void. 


(  101  ) 


CHA.PTEE  VII. 

JOHN   HUS    IN    EXILE    FEOM   PRAGUE. 

No  express  information  has  reached  us  as  to  King 
Wenceslas's  immediate  feehng  with  regard  to  the 
proclamation  of  the  papal  excommmiication  against 
Hus  and  the  carrying  out  of  the  interdict  at  Prague, 
but,  from  his  subsequent  behaviour,  it  would  seem 
that  both  steps  were  displeasing  to  him.  His 
courtiers  certainly  never  ceased  to  give  their  aid  to 
the  tendencies  and  aims  of  Hus,  nor  did  Queen 
Sophia  ever  conceal  her  partiality  for  them ;  nay, 
even  after  the  publication  of  Hus's  excommunica- 
tioa  and  the  aggravation  thereof,  and  also  after 
that  of  the  interdict,  she  personally  attended  Hus's 
sermons  at  Bethlehem. 

After  his  withdrawal  from  Prague,  Hus  betook 
himself,  first,  to  a  very  distant  district  in  the  south 
of  Bohemia,  where  a  noble  of  the  highest  rank, 
Lord  John  the  elder  of  Austi,  provided  him  with  a 
safe  retreat  in  a  tower  named  Kozi,  not  far  from 
his  town  Austi  on  the  Luznitz,  w^hich  afterwards 


102  JOHN   HUS. 


became  the  celebrated  strongliolcl  of  the  Taborites. 
It  "would  seem  that  for  some  time  Hus's  place  of 
residence  was  ke^^t  a  secret,  and  that  the  priests 
and  others,  to  use  his  own  words,  "  in-^uired  and 
conversed  as  to  where  he  was."  He  kept  up  a  fre- 
quent correspondence  thence  with  Prague,  exhort- 
ing his  former  hearers  in  Bethlehem  and  the  people 
of  Prague  in  general  to  steadfastness  and  constancy 
in  the  faith.  These  letters  were  probably  read 
aloud  in  Bethlehem,  where  Hus  left  a  priest  named 
Havlik  (Gallus)  as  his  representative  during  his 
absence,  probably  with  the  young  Magister  Martin 
of  Volyne  as  his  assistant,  over  and  above  his  faith- 
ful comrade,  the  second  preacher,  Magister  Nicholas 
of  ]\Iiliczin.  Hus  also  wrote  from  Kozi  to  the 
highest  state  officials  and  other  lords  assembled  at 
the  parliament  and  high  court  of  justice  held  at 
Prague  in  the  second  half  of  December,  complain- 
ing of  the  persecution  to  which  he  was  subjected, 
and  entreating  them  to  defend  the  freedom  of  the 
Word  of  God. 

At  this  court  refusal  was  made  to  appear  and 
fiTiswer  a  plaint  in  a  lawsuit  relating  to  a  freehold 
inheritance,  under  the  plea  that  the  plaintiff  was 
under  the  archbishop's  excommunication.  But  the 
lords,  Avith  the  approval  of  the  king,  overruled  the 
plea,  and  declared  it  to  be  bad  in  the  high  court. 
Neither  did  Hus's  petition  remain  entirely  without 
effect.  The  lords  took  into  consideration  tlie  cpies- 
tion  of  the  removal  and  extirpation  of  the  baneful 
cause  of  discord  a-mong  the  clergy,  owing  to  which 


JOHN  HUS  IN   EXILE  FROM  PEAGUE.  193 

the  realm  and  its  inhabitants  were  grievously  tra- 
duced in  various  surrounding  countries;  and  in 
accordance  with  a  resolution  passed  by  them,  King 
Wenceslas  determined  that  an  extraordinary  synod 
of  the  clergy  should  be  held  for  the  i^urpose. 

Some  time  previously  another  change  had  taken 
place  in  the  archbishopric  of  Prague.  Magister 
Albik  had  soon  become  weary  of  this  high  dignity, 
involving  as  it  then  did  such  serious  cares  and 
difficulties.  It  was  no  easy  task  to  steer  a  middle 
course,  which  should  avoid  giving  umbrage  either 
to  the  king  or  to  the  see  of  Eome.  He  therefore, 
in  accordance  with  the  simoniacal  system  of  the 
day,  concluded  an  agreement,  by  which  he  resigned 
the  archbishopric  in  favour  of  Conrad  of  Vechta, 
Bishop  of  Olmiitz,  Mhile  Conrad  gave  up  his 
bishopric  to  Wenceslas  of  Burenitz,  Patriarch  of 
Antioch,  the  king's  high  chancellor,  who  in  return 
resigned  the  wealthy  provostship  of  the  Vyssegrad 
to  Albik.  "They  made  an  extraordinary  ex- 
change," says  the  old  chronicler,  who  records  the 
succession  of  the  Bohemian  bishops  and  arch- 
bishops ;  "  but,  0  that  that  exchange  had  taken 
place  without  the  greatest  simony !  "  The  sanction 
of  the  papal  court  was  necessary  for  the  ratification 
of  such  an  exchange,  and  this  was  not  obtained 
without  a  considerable  cost  of  time  and,  no  doubt, 
of  money.  Nevertheless  the  holders  of  these  richly 
endowed  positions  gave  up  to  each  other  the 
charge  of  their  respective  benefices  by  anticipation 
towards  the  end  of  1412,  Conrad  designating  himself 

0 


194  JOHN   HUS. 


"  governor  and  administrator  of  tlie  archbishopric 
of  Prague  in  spiritualities  and  temporahties,"  and 
Albik  styHng  himself  "  administrator  of  the  pro- 
vostship  of  the  Vyssegrad." 

Conrad  of  Vechta  vs^as  a  foreigner,  a  Westpha- 
lian,  but  none  the  less  devoted  to  King  Wenceslas, 
in  whose  service  he  had  long  been,  formerly  as 
Master  of  the  Mint,  and  at  this  time  as  the  king's 
Under-treasurer.  No  doubt  it  was  not  till  after  the 
conclusion  of  the  above  agreement  that  he  resigned 
his  secular  office,  to  which  his  personal  qualities 
were  much  better  adapted  than  to  his  new  ecclesi- 
astical position.  At  the  request  of  the  king  and 
parliament  he  issued,  as  administrator  of  the  arch- 
diocese, an  order  to  all  prelates.  Doctors  of  Laws, 
magisters,  and  other  "enlightened  men, both  secular 
and  regular,"  to  appear  at  the  projected  synod  on 
February  2nd,  1-113,  at  Bohmisch  Brod,  a  town 
belonging  to  the  archbishop),  where  the  adminis- 
trator of  the  archdiocese  and  the  Bishop  of  Lito- 
mysl  would  be  personally  present  to  hear  their 
counsels  and  come  to  a  determination  respecting 
the  requisite  measures  to  be  taken.  The  king  also 
issued  a  proclamation  on  the  same  subject,  com- 
manding all  whom  it  concerned  to  come,  and 
promising  them  protection  and  safety  on  the  way. 

The  reason  why  this  synod  was  not  convened  at 
the  archiepiscopal  palace  at  Prague  was  probably, 
that  the  palace  was  not  yet  vacated  by  Albik.  But 
on  January  25th  he  purchased  a  house  in  the  New 
Town  for  himself,  his  aunt  and  his  two  daughters, 


JOHN   HUS  IN   EXILE  FROM  PRAGUE.  195 

and  went  to  reside  there  at  once.  Thus  the  synod 
came  to  be  actually  held,  not  at  Bohmisch  Brod, 
but  in  the  palace  on  the  Kleinseite  at  Prague. 

Meanwhile,  shortly  after  Christmas,  1412,  Mag- 
ister  John  Hus  returned  to  Prague  and  began  to 
preach  again  in  Bethlehem,  having  from  the  first 
been  disquieted  in  conscience  as  to  whether  he  had 
acted  rightly  in  withdrawing  from  his  duties  as 
preacher  on  account  of  his  enemies.  On  the  one 
hand  he  thought  of  the  words  of  the  Saviour  in 
John  X.  :  *'  The  good  shepherd  giveth  his  life  for 
the  sheep ;  but  he  that  is  an  hireling  and  not  the 
shepherd,  whose  own  the  sheep  are  not,  beholdeth 
the  wolf  coming,  and  leaveth  the  sheep,  and  the  wolf 
snatcheth  and  scattereth  the  sheep ;  "  on  the  other, 
of  His  words  in  Matt.  x.  :  ''  When  they  persecute 
you  in  one  city,  flee  into  another."  He  also  pon- 
dered the  counsel  of  St.  Augustine  to  Honoratus, 
a  bishop  who  asked  his  advice  under  somewiiat 
similar  circumstances.  Augustine  said:  "Whoso 
fleeth  in  such  manner,  that  the  necessary  ministry 
is  not  wanting  to  the  church  through  his  flight, 
doth  what  the  Lord  hath  enjoined  or  promised. 
But  he  who  so  flees,  that  the  nourishment  by  which 
the  flock  of  Christ  lives  spiritually  is  taken  from  it, 
is  the  hireling,  who  sees  the  w^olf  coming  and  fleeth 
because  he  careth  not  for  the  sheep."  Augustine 
also  cited  the  example  of  the  flight  of  Athanasius, 
and  expressly  laid  down  the  proposition,  that  if 
a  man  were  sought  for  individually  (singidaritcr), 
he  might  lawfully  make  his  escape.     Such  is  the 


196  JOHN   HUS. 


statement  of  the  case  as  given  by  Hus  himself  in 
a  letter  to  his  friends  Magister  Martin  and  Magister 
Nicholas  of  Miliczin. 

It  was  doubtless  also  Hus's  intention  to  deliberate 
with  his  friends  at  Prague  as  to  the  course  they 
should  take  at  the  approaching  synod.  As  soon, 
however,  as  he  began  to  preach,  the  clergy  of  the 
opposite  party  put  a  stop  to  Divine  service.  It 
being  now  almost  time  for  the  synod  to  meet,  the 
king  himself  called  upon  Hus  to  withdraw.  He 
obeyed  and  departed  for  the  second  time,  but  not 
till  he  had  from  the  pulpit  asked  and  obtained  the 
permission  of  his  congregation.  Later,  in  1413, 
recurring  to  his  conduct  in  this  respect,  he  con- 
cluded a  letter  to  Magister  Christian  of  Prachatitz 
with  these  words  :  "  I  think  I  sinned  in  giving  up 
preaching  at  the  king's  wish,  and  therefore  I  don't 
wish  to  sin  thus  any  more." 

The  hopes  entertained  by  King  Wenceslas  and 
the  Bohemian  lords  of  obtaining  through  the  synod 
some  reconciliation  and  modus  vivendi  among  the 
clergy  might  have  been  fulfilled,  had  both  the 
parties,  into  which  it  was  divided,  been  animated 
by  a  good  and  honest  will  in  that  direction.  But 
the  party  opposed  to  Hus  had  no  idea  or  thought 
of  conciliation.  In  their  sight  there  could  be  no 
reconciliation  save  by  the  entire  submission  of  their 
hated  adversaries.  In  the  opinion  read  before  the 
synod  on  February  6th,  the  eight  Doctors  of  Theology 
espied  the  fountain  of  discord  only  in  the  disobe- 
dience of  a  portion  of  the  clergy  to  their  superiors^ 


JOHN   HUS  IN   EXILE   FROM  PRAGUE.  197 


and  in  the  dissemination  of  heretical  doctrines. 
The  evil  repute  of  the  realm  could  only,  according 
to  them,  be  got  rid  of  by  the  punishment  of  those 
who  in  their  judgment  disagreed  in  belief  with, 
the  Catholic  Church.  They  therefore  requested  a 
renewed  condemnation  of  the  forty-five  articles 
extracted  from  the  writings  of  Wycliffe,  the  accept- 
ance of  the  six  articles  set  forth  by  themselves  in 
the  preceding  year,  and  the  recognition  of  the 
validity  of  the  papal  excommunication  issued 
against  Hus.     They  also  proposed  : 

(1)  That  all  doctors  and  magisters  of  the  university  should 
be  sumraoned  to  the  archbishop's  palace,  and  that  each  should 
then  and  there  make  oath  before  the  archbishop  and  the  other 
"  prelates,"  that  he  doth  not  and  will  not  hold  any  of  the  long 
prohibited  forty-five  articles ;  and  that  with  regard  to  the  sacra- 
ments, to  the  rules  and  laws  of  the  Church,  to  indulgences,  to 
the  honouring  of  the  relics  of  the  saints  and  other  matters,  he 
believes  and  will  believe  as  doth  the  Church  of  Rome,  the  head 
whereof  is  the  pope  and  the  body  the  cardinals ;  and  that  obe- 
dience ought  to  be  paid  to  the  authorities  of  the  Church  in  every- 
thing, unless  pure  good  bo  forbidden  or  pure  evil  commanded 
by  them ;  (2)  That  all  members  of  the  university  should  be 
forbidden  to  act  in  contravention  thereof  under  pain  of  excom- 
munication and  banishment ;  that  this  prohibition  should  be 
proclaimed  at  synods  and  in  sermons ;  and  whotver  should 
offend  against  it  should  be  punished  by  his  diocesan,  that  no 
one  might  venture  "  to  preach  or  dogmatize  of  his  own  head  as 
hath  already  been  done ; "  that  the  singing  of  scandalous  and 
libellous  songs  in  the  streets,  in  taverns  and  elsewhere,  should 
be  prohibited ;  and  finally  that  Magister  John  Hus  should  not 
preach,  until  he  had  obtained  absolution  from  the  papal  curia, 
neither  should  he  by  open  or  secret  presence  prevent  the  per- 
formance of  Divine  service  at  Prague. 


198  JOHN   HUS. 


Hus  and  his  friends  at  once  denied  the  pro- 
position, which  formed  the  basis  of  this  opinion  of 
the  doctors,  viz.,  "  that  the  dissemination  of  here- 
tical doctrines  had  been  the  cause  of  discord  ;  "  and 
grounded  their  denial  upon  the  fact,  that  none  of 
them  had  yet  been  convicted  of  heresy,  neither  had 
the  forty-five  articles  from  Wycliffe's  writings  been 
condemned  by  higher  authority  than  the  isolated 
and  local  assemblies  to  which  the  doctors  appealed. 
They  affirmed,  that  the  true  and  universally  ac- 
knowledged cause  of  discord  was  evangelical  i^reach- 
ing,  in  which  rebukes  were  administered — (1)  to 
Simonists,  the  chief  of  heretics,  who  flourished 
especially  at  the  court  of  Home,  and  thence  spread 
their  branches  throughout  the  world;  (2)  to 
manifest  adulterers  and  concubinists ;  and  (B)  to 
the  covetous  and  proud,  who  were  lording  it  in 
secular  fashion  among  the  clergy. 

When  the  magisters  of  Hus's  party,  who  formed 
the  majority  in  the  university,  consulted  together 
as  to  the  suggestions  which  they  were  to  make  to 
the  synod,  Magister  Jakaubek  of  Stribro  (Jacobellus) 
laid  his  opinion  before  them,  to  this  effect : 

"  That  there  were  two  kiuds  of  peace  and  concord,  one  accord- 
ing to  the  world,  the  other  according  to  Christ.  That,  in  order 
that  peace  in  Christ,  which  consisted  in  the  observance  of  His  law, 
should  be  restored,  it  was  necessary  that  the  king,  with  the  rest 
of  the  inhabitants  of  the  land,  should  exert  themselves  to  put 
down  the  simoniacal  heresy,  to  put  a  stop  to  licentiousness, 
adultery,  and  concubinage,  and  to  superabundance  of  tempo- 
ralities and  secular  dominion  among  the  clergy.  That,  inasmuch 
as  IIus  and  his  adherents  strove  and  endeavoured  to  introduce 


JOHN  HUS  IN  EXILE  FEOM   PRAGUE.  199 

this  evangelical  order  into  the  realm,  but  many  of  the  clergy, 
blinded  l)y  maliciousness,  opposed  them,  Hus  and  his  adherents 
should  be  cited  to  answer  the  complaints  against  them,  and 
purge  themselves  from  calumny.  If  worldly  peace  could  not 
thus  be  attained,  let  people  be  satisfied  with  peace  according 
to  the  law  of  Christ ;  for  calumny  and  accusations  of  heresy 
would  do  no  harm  to  the  realm  of  Bohemia." 

The  assembled  magisters,  having  in  all  pro- 
bability come  to  an  understanding  with  Magister 
John  Hus,  did  not  accept  these  suggestions  in  their 
letter,  but  adopted  others  resting  upon  the  same 
basis,  which  were  also  read  before  the  synod.  The 
magisters  requested  : 

"  That  the  late  decision  of  the  king's  privy  councillors  in  their 
arbitration  between  Archbishop  Zbynek  and  the  party  of  Hus 
should  be  observed  as  just  and  convenient;  and  that,  as  Arch- 
bishop Zbynek  had  not  then  brought  any  charge  against  Hus, 
Hus  should  be  allowed  to  appear  before  the  synod,  and  whoever 
wished  to  accuse  him  of  any  error  or  heresy  should  there  do  so 
under  engagement  to  undergo  an  equal  penalty,  should  he  fail 
to  prove  his  accusation.  That,  if  no  one  did  this,  proclamation 
should  be  made  by  the  king's  command  in  all  the  towns,  and 
likewise  by  order  of  the  bishop  by  all  incumbents,  that  Hus  was 
ready  to  answer  for  his  belief,  and  that  whoever  wished  to  come 
forward  publicly  against  him,  was  to  notify  the  same  with  his 
name  in  the  archbishop's  chancery.  That  if  no  one  appeared  for 
this  purpose,  those  who  were  making  denunciations  at  the  papal 
court,  that  in  the  realm  of  Bohemia  and  margravate  of  Moravia 
the  hearts  of  many  were  infected  with  heresy  or  error,  should  be 
summoned,  should  be  required  to  prove  their  statements,  and  if 
they  failed  to  do  so,  should  be  punished.  That  all  the  Doctors  of 
Theology  and  Ecclesiastical  Law  should  be  asked  separately  and 
apart,  if  they  knew  any  heretic  or  maintainer  of  error,  to  name 
him ;  and  if  they  knew  none  such,  should  make  acknowledgment 
thereof  before  the  public  notaries  and  under  seal.     That,  this 


200  JOHN   HUS. 


being  done,  the  king  and  the  archbishop  should  prohibit  under  a 
penalty  any  one  to  designate  another  a  heretic,  unless  he  were 
willing  to  prove  it ;  and  that  the  king  with  the  lords  should 
then  send  a  fitting  embassy  to  the  court  of  Eome,  taking  a 
collection  from  the  clergy  for  the  expenses,  to  purge  the  realm 
from  the  accusation  of  heresy ;  and  that  those,  who  maligned  the 
realm  at  the  papal  court,  should  also  go  with  the  embassy  at 
their  own  expense.  And  finally,  that  the  interdict  should  not 
be  again  proclaimed  on  account  of  the  presence  of  Hus  or  his 
preaching  in  Prague." 

Of  the  superior  authorities  of  the  Church  in 
Bohemia,  who  were,  according  to  King  "VVenceslas's 
wish,  to  have  iDresicIed  together  over  this  synod, 
only  one,  Conrad,  the  administrator  of  the  arch- 
bishopric, occupied  the  presidential  chair,  the  other. 
Bishop  John  of  Litomysl,  being  expected  later. 
Both  the  above  opinions  were  sent  to  him  at 
Litomysl  for  consideration,  and  he  gave  his  judg- 
ment upon  them  in  writing  on  February  10th.  He 
decidedly  rejected  the  suggestions  of  the  magisters 
of  Hus's  party  and  approved  those  of  the  doctors ; 
yea,  annexed  to  them  advice  still  sharper  in  some 
respects,  suggesting  that  a  vice-chancellor  should 
be  appointed  in  the  university  to  inquire  into  and 
correct  the  errors  of  magisters  and  students ;  that 
Hus  and  his  ''  accomplices  "  should  cease  and  be 
prohibited  from  preaching,  and  should  be  forbidden 
to  enter  Bethlehem ;  and  that  all  Bohemian  books 
should  be  prohibited,  by  which  Hus  and  his 
"accomplices"  sought  to  disseminate  their  errors 
among  the  laity. 

Unfortunately   no   intelligence   has   come  down 


JOHN  HUS   IN  EXILE   FROM   PRAGUE.  201 

to  US  of  the  further  course  of  the  synod,  and  thus 
much  only  is  certain,  that  it  did  not  lead  to  re- 
newal of  concord  between  the  parties.  It  is  certain 
too,  that  Bishop  John  did  not  go  later  to  the  synod, 
being  detained  by  urgent  cares  of  his  own,  and  it 
is  probable  that  the  Administrator  Conrad  did  not 
venture  to  come  to  a  decision  on  the  basis  of 
counsels  so  diametrically  opposed  to  each  other. 

IIus's  enemies  now,  to  their  joy,  received  welcome 
intelligence  from  Eome,  where,  simultaneously  with 
the  synod  at  Prague,  an  assembly  of  the  Eoman 
clergy  was  convoked  by  Pope  John  XXIII. ,  and 
designated  by  him  a  "  general  council,"  in  which, 
on  February  2nd,  all  Wycliffe's  writings  were,  with- 
out exception,  condemned,  and  ordered,  although 
containing  some  truth,  to  be  universally  burned, 
as  injurious  to  the  faithful ;  and  all  of  them  that 
could  be  collected  at  Eome  were  actually  burnt 
in  front  of  St.  Peter's.  This  intelligence  arrived 
shortly  after  the  conclusion  of  the  Prague  synod 
in  a  letter  from  "  Olenus,  procurator  of  causes  in 
the  Eoman  curia,"  to  "the  Honourable  Doctor  of 
Decrees,  Dominus  George  Bora,  in  Prague." 

But  this  joy  was  ere  long  greatly  overclouded 
from  another  quarter.  The  unconciliatory  and 
passionate  behaviour  of  Hus's  adversaries  at  a 
synod,  which  was,  according  to  King  Wenceslas's 
earnest  desire,  to  have  led  to  a  reconciliation, 
caused  an  alteration  unfavourable  to  them  in  the 
mind  of  the  king.  Hus's  party  pointed  to  the  fact, 
that  the  basis  of  the  Doctors  of  Theology,  that  part 


202  JOHN  HUS, 


of  the  Bohemian  clergy  were  devoted  to  heretical 
doctrines,  could  not  possibly  conduce  to  peace,  but 
contained  a  repetition  of  the  charge  of  heresy 
brought  against  the  realm,  which  it  was  just  King 
Wenceslas's  object  to  refute.  Doubtless  the  king's 
courtiers,  who  were  favourable  to  Hus,  did  not 
omit  to  di"aw  his  attention  to  this,  and  the  king 
began  in  consequence  to  incline  more  decidedly  to 
Hus's  side.  When  the  synod  failed  as  a  means 
of  quieting  the  dissensions  among  the  clergy,  the 
king  determined  to  avail  himself  of  another  mode 
of  attaining  the  desired  end,  and  shortly  after 
Easter  (April  23rd),  appointed  a  special  com- 
mission to  engage  in  the  task.  The  commissioners 
were  Archbisho])  Albik,  whose  resignation  had  not 
yet  been  confirmed  by  the  pope ;  Magister  Zdenek, 
of  Labaun,[Provost  of  All  Saints ;  Jacob,  Dean  of 
the  Yyssegrad,  and  Hus's  friend,  Magister  Christian 
of  Prachatitz,  then  rector  of  the  university.  Zdenek 
and  Dean  Jacob  were  members  of  the  king's  privy 
council,  and  were,  therefore,  expected  to  shape 
their  course  in  accordance  with  the  king's  wishes, 
and  the  same  expectations  were  entertained  with 
regard  to  Archbishop  Albik. 

The  royal  commissioners  summoned  before  them 
on  the  one  hand  four  prominent  Doctors  of  Theo- 
logy, Peter  of  Znaym,  John  Elias,  Stanislas  of 
Znaym,  and  Stephen  Palecz ;  and  on  the  other, 
John  of  Jesenitz,  Hus's  procurator ;  Magister 
Jakaubek  of  Stribro,  and  Magister  Simon  of  Tisnow. 
The  conference  took  place  on  a  Friday  at  Magister 


JOHN  HUS  IN  EXILE  FEOM  PRAGUE.     203 

Christian's  residence,  the  parsonage  of  St.  Michael's. 
Here,  after  some  conversation,  Magister  Zdenek 
inquired  of  both  parties  in  the  name  of  the  com- 
missioners, whether  they  were  willing  to  abide  by 
the  decrees  and  decisions  of  the  Eoman  Church 
with  regard  to  the  sacraments  and  all  other  matters 
whatever  relating  to  the  Church  and  the  Catholic 
faith.  The  Doctors  of  Theology  replied  in  the 
affirmative,  but  with  the  addition,  that  they  meant 
by  the  Eoman  Church,  that  Church  whose  head 
was  the  pope  and  whose  body  was  the  college  of 
cardinals.  On  the  other  side,  John  of  Jesenitz  gave 
in  an  answer  in  writing  : 

(1)  That  they  stood  and  abode  by  the  couventiou  made  by 
the  king's  councillors  in  the  preceding  year ;  (2)  That  they 
admitted  themselves  to  be,  as  a  party,  opposed  to  the  chaptei 
of  Prague  and  the  doctors,  prelates,  and  other  clerics  adhering 
to  them  in  the  inconsiderate  burning  of  "Wycliffe's  books,  in 
the  arrogant  condemnation  of  the  forty-five  mutilated  articles, 
and  in  the  slanderous  writings  given  in  at  the  late  sjmod,  in 
which  it  was  asserted  that  there  were  clergy  in  Bohemia 
entertaining  evil  sentiments  with  regard  to  the  seven  sacra- 
ments and  the  keys  of  the  Church ;  (3)  That  they  were  and 
intended  to  be  obedient  to  the  decrees  and  decisions  of  the 
Eoman  Catholic  Church,  whose  head  is  Christ  and  the  pope 
his  vicegerent,  in  all  wherein  faithful  Christians  ought  to  abide 
and  be  obedient ;  and  (4)  That  with  regard  to  all  personal 
disputes  they  submitted  to  the  decision  of  the  commissioners 
under  such  penalties  as  they  should  appoint. 

After  hearing  these  declarations  the  royal  com- 
missioners gave  sentence,  notifying  it  to  the  parties 
by  the  mouth  of  Zdenek  :  That,  whereas  it  was 
found,  that  both  parties  were  agreed   as  regards 


204  JOEN  IIUS. 


obedience  to  the  Catholic  Church  in  all  wherein 
faithful  Christians  ought  to  be  obedient,  they 
were,  therefore,  in  accord  therein;  wherefore  neither 
party  was  to  condemn  the  other ;  and  they  were  all 
to  make  acknowledgment  to  this  effect  before  the 
king,  the  archbishop  and  the  lords,  or  wherever 
else  the  question  might  be  put  to  them.  In  the  next 
place,  as  regards  matters  of  personal  dispute,  they 
were  to  give  them  in  in  writing  the  next  day,  and  the 
commissioners  would  seek  to  bring  them  to  agree- 
ment with  regard  to  them.  The  doctors  raised  their 
voices  at  once  against  the  first  portion  of  this  de- 
cision, and  refused  to  abide  by  it ;  but,  as  regards 
personal  disputes,  they  could  not  stand  out,  but 
promised  to  submit,  as  well  as  the  other  party,  under 
penalty  of  one  thousand  kops  of  groschen,  and 
banishment  from  the  realm. 

On  the  morrow,  Saturday,  the  commissioners 
inquired  of  both  parties  whether  they  would  abide 
by  the  engagements  made  the  day  before.  The 
Doctors  of  Theology  again  resisted  the  statement, 
that  they  were  at  one  with  the  other  party  m  their 
view  of  obedience  to  the  Roman  Church,  request- 
ing the  omission  of  the  words  "wherein  faithful 
Christians  ought  to  obey,"  and  the  re-discussion  in 
detail  of  the  forty-five  articles  and  the  other 
matters  brought  forward  at  the  late  synod.  The 
commissioners,  whose  only  business  it  was  to  fulfil 
the  king's  wishes  by  quieting  the  strife,  reproached 
the  doctors  for  their  obstinacy,  and  told  them  that 
they  should   inform  the    king  that   Hus's  party 


JOHN   HUS   IN    EXILE    FROM   PRAGUE.  205 

liad  complied  with  everything,  whereas  they  (the 
doctors)  refused  to  accept  their  decision ;  they 
would,  however,  find  out  that  within  a  week  it 
would  fall  on  their  own  heads.  "With  this  all  nego- 
tiation was  broken  off,  and  the  four  doctors  imme- 
diately took  their  departure  from  Prague  for  fear 
of  the  king's  anger,  and  sent  written  advice  to  the 
other  magisters  of  their  party  to  avoid  further 
negotiation,  and  either,  like  them,  to  depart  or  to 
conceal  themselves. 

The  threat  of  the  royal  commissioners  did  not 
wait  long  for  its  fulfilment.  King  Wenceslas  issued 
an  edict  banishing  the  four  doctors  aforesaid,  as 
the  authors  of  dissension,  from  the  realm  of 
Bohemia  and  the  lands  thereto  appertaining,  and 
commanding  their  expulsion  from  the  university, 
and  the  nomination  of  others  to  fill  their  places, 
both  in  the  colleg.e  and  in  their  canonries  and  pre- 
bends at  All  Saints.  Proclamation  was  to  be  made 
thereof  in  the  college  and  elsewhere,  and  all  who 
opposed  the  unity  and  reconciliation,  which  it  was 
the  duty  of  the  commissioners  to  bring  about,  were 
to  be  similarly  punished  by  exile  and  deprivation. 
The  king's  command  was  carried  into  execution 
without  resistance,  and  it  appears  that  Magisters 
Christian  of  Prachatitz,  Simon  of  Tisnow,  Simon 
of  Kokycany,  and  Antonin  of  Launy,  succeeded  to 
the  positions  of  the  four  doctors  in  the  Emperor 
Charles's  college  and  in  the  chapter  of  All  Saints. 

Magister  John  Hus  returned  to  Prague  after  the 
conclusion  of  the  synod  and  resided  there  without 


206  JOHN   HUS. 


let  or  hindrance  till  after  Easter.  The  priests  of 
the  opposite  party  did  not  suspend  Divine  service 
on  account  of  his  presence,  although  they  were 
aware  of  it,  until  he  recommenced  preaching  in 
Bethlehem.  "When,  however,  the  royal  commission 
commenced  its  work  of  endeavouring  to  reconcile 
the  parties,  Hus  again  quitted  Prague,  no  doubt  at 
the  king's  wish,  and  was  not  there  when  the  four 
doctors  went  into  exile.  He  betook  himself  again 
to  the  tower  or  castle  of  Kozi,  where  he  allowed 
nothing  to  hinder  him  from  preaching,  a  duty  the 
temporary  omission  of  which  he  considered  a  sin. 
He  not  only  preached  at  Kozi,  whither  large  num- 
bers of  people  congregated  from  the  neighbouring 
country,  especially  from  the  town  of  Austi,  to 
hear  him,  but  began  to  travel  also  far  and  wide 
from  castle  to  castle,  from  town  to  town,  from 
village  to  village.  Where  he  was  unable  to  preach 
in  the  churches,  he  preached  in  the  open  fields,  in 
woods,  on  the  highways,  and  among  the  hedges, 
appealing  for  his  justification  to  the  example  of  the 
Saviour.  He  especially  sought  out  occasions  at 
which  large  numbers  congregated,  as  church-wakes 
or  weddings,  and  was  everywhere  followed  by  mul- 
titudes on  foot,  on  horseback  and  in  carriages. 

The  proceedings  at  and  connected  with  the  synod 
of  Prague  caused  further  polemical  controversy  be- 
tween the  more  prominent  members  of  the  parties, 
and  the  dispute  was  conducted  on  both  sides  with 
no  small  amount  of  acrimony.  In  the  first  place, 
Hus  himself  and  his  zealous  ally,  John  of  Jesenitz, 


JOHN  HUS  IN  EXILE  FROM  PRAGUE.     207 

respectively  "wrote  replies  to  tlae  "  conditions  of 
concord"  handed  in  at  the  synod  by  the  eight  Doc- 
tors of  Theology.  Stanislas  and  Palecz  rejoined  in 
two  pamphlets  shortly  after  their  flight  from  Prague, 
in  which  they  also  assailed  the  declaration  made 
by  their  adversaries  before  the  commission  at  St. 
Michael's  parsonage.  These  writings  induced  Hus 
to  compose  a  more  extensive  treatise  "  on  the 
Church  "  ("De  Ecclesia  "),  whereof  more  hereafter, 
in  which  he  especially  propounded  his  views  as  to 
the  power  and  authority  of  the  pope.  This  treatise 
was  undoubtedly  written  at  Kozi,  but  sent  thence 
to  Prague  for  publication  and  circulation,  and  was 
for  that  purpose  dictated  at  Bethlehem  to  several 
copyists  at  once,  who  finished  their  work  on  July 
8th,  1413.  Hus  afterwards  composed  separate  an- 
swers to  the  tv/o  pamphlets  of  Stanislas  and  Palecz. 
The  disputes  of  the  learned  soon  passed  into  a 
wider  sphere  among  their  respective  adherents, 
who  began  reciprocally  to  annoy  each  other  in 
various  ways,  especially  by  bandying  nicknames. 
Hus's  adherents  were  designated  "  Wycliffites,"  or 
— from  the  Christian  name  of  both  the  English  and 
■Bohemian  leaders — "  Johannites."  These  again 
retorted  upon  their  adversaries  by  the  nickname  of 
"  Mahometists,"  thus  reproaching  them  for  their 
violent  proceedings  in  order  to  attain  their  ends. 
"  It  was  Mahomet,"  said  Jacobellus,  "not  Christ, 
who  taught  this  law,  viz.  to  persecute  and  slay." 

Hus's  literary  activity  did  not  however  confine 
itself  to  these  learned  controversies,   which   were 


208  JOHN   HUS. 

throughout  conducted  in  Latin,  but  turned  itself 
simultaneously  to  matters  of  more  general  interest. 
His  distance  from  Prague  provided  him  with  more 
leisure  than  he  had  hitherto  enjoyed,  and  he  there- 
fore began  from  the  commencement  of  his  residence 
at  Kozi  to  compose  writings  in  the  Bohemian  lan- 
guage, by  which  he  made  a  way  for  his  teaching 
among  all  classes  of  the  population.  Such  were 
the  "  Bohemian  books,"  the  prohibition  of  which 
was  proposed,  as  above  mentioned,  by  the  Bishop  of 
Litomysl.  Besides  other  lesser  writings,  Hus  had 
before  November  11th,  1412,  completed  his  com- 
prehensive exposition  of  the  creed,  the  ten  com- 
mandments, and  the  Lord's  prayer,  wherein  he 
dealt  in  a  similar  spirit  to  that  of  Thomas  of  Stitny 
in  the  preceding  century  with  the  principal  portions 
of  Christian  faith  and  morality.  Hus  did  not 
attain  to  the  depth  of  thought  or  purity  of  language 
of  his  great  predecessor,  but  his  plainer  and  simpler 
style  made  his  writings  more  intelligible  to  the 
common  people.  By  February  2nd,  1413,  he  had 
finished  his  work  "On  Simony,"  which  was  an 
unreserved  description,  without  respect  of  per- 
sons, of  the  faults  and  failings  of  the  clergy,  and  of 
ail  the  corruption  existing  at  the  day  in  ecclesias- 
tical government,  entering  into  much  greater  detail 
than  Mathias  of  Janow  had  done,  yet  never  over- 
stepping the  limits  of  truth.  During  the  further 
course  of  1413,  Hus's  principal  emj^loyment  was 
the  composition  of  his  "Postilla,"  or  expositions  of 
all  the  Sunday   and   Saint's-day  Gospels  of  the 


JOHN   HUS   IN   EXILE   FllOM   PllAGUE.  209 

ecclesiastical  year,  which  was  completed  at  Kozi  on 
October  28th. 

Not  only  in  his  work  on  Simony,  but  more  or 
less  in  all  his  writings,  did  Hus  castigate  the  abuses 
dominant  among  the  clergy,  interweaving  also 
bitter  reflections  on  the  events  of  the  day.  Yet 
never  did  he  reject  any  article  of  the  creed,  any 
sacrament,  any  ceremony  or  custom  generally 
received  in  the  Church,  though  he  never  ceased 
from  warfare  against  gross  errors  in  their  accepta- 
tion. The  fundamental  difference  between  him 
and  his  opponents  iu  matters  of  faith  was  touching 
the  limits  of  the  power  and  authority  of  the  pope, 
the  existence  of  which  is  admitted  by  the  latest 
decree  respecting  papal  infallibihty.  Hus's  adver- 
saries hardly  admitted  any  such  limits,  taking  as 
they  did  for  their  basis  the  definition,  that  "  the 
Church  is  the  pope  with  the  cardinals,"  or,  as  com- 
monly expressed,  "  the  Church  is  that  of  which  the 
pope  is  the  head  and  the  cardinals  the  body."  To 
this  Hus  in  his  treatise  "  On  the  Church  "  opposed 
the  counter-definition,  that  "the  Church  is  the 
collective  body  of  those  predestined  to  salvation." 
The  definition  of  Hus's  antagonists  was  practical 
enough,  and  intended  to  require  absolute  obedience 
to  be  paid  to  the  pope,  "unless  pure  good  were 
prohibited  or  pure  evil  commanded  by  him."  It 
did  not,  however,  provide  for  the  very  possible 
contingency  of  a  dispute  between  the  pope  and 
cardinals,  in  which  case  the  head  and  body  of  the 
Church  would  have  been  at  variance.     Nor  was  it 

p 


210  JOHN   HUS. 


SO  very  long  before  ridicule  was  cast  upon  the  whole 
idea  of  this  definition  by  the  body  proceeding  to 
decapitate  itself  at  Constance.  Hus's  definition  on 
the  other  hand  was  of  an  utterly  unpractical  nature, 
especially  as  he  did  not  draw  any  clear  distinction  be- 
tween the  visible  and  invisible  Church,  to  the  latter 
of  which  alone  his  definition  is  applicable.  But  he 
maintained  reasonably  enough,  that  what  the  pope 
commanded  must  not  be  at  variance  with  the  law 
of  Christ,  and  therefore  with  Holy  Scripture,  since 
the  sole  Head  of  the  entire  Church  militant,  dor- 
mant and  triumphant,  is  Christ  Himself,  the  pope 
being  only  His  vicegerent  in  the  Church  militant. 
No  decision  had  at  that  time  been  come  to  by  autho- 
rity as  to  the  definition  of  the  Church,  which  might 
therefore  to  a  great  extent  have  been  looked  upon 
as  an  open  question. 

In  assuming  Holy  Scripture  as  the  infallible  and 
most  certain  fountain  of  Christian  doctrine,  Hus 
did  not  mean  to  assert,  that  the  tradition  of  the 
Catholic  Church  was  essentially  at  variance  with 
Scripture,  and  that  therefore  the  doctrinal  system 
relating  to  the  creed  and  ordinances  of  Christianity 
required  to  be  reviewed  in  detail  and  recast  upon 
the  basis  of  Scripture.  He  was  always  far  removed 
from  any  such  notion,  nor  did  he  ever  exhibit  the 
slightest  tendency  to  diverge  from  the  teaching  of 
the  Church  through  research  into  Holy  Scripture. 
It  was  not  his  aim  to  introduce  doctrinal  or  litur- 
gical novelties,  but  never  did  he  lose  from  sight  the 
reform  of  the  existing  condition  of  Church  govern- 


JOHN  HUS  IN   EXILE   FROM  PRAGUE,  211 

ment,  and  the  subversion  of  the  simoniacal  system 
under  which  it  was  carried  on.  In  considering  the 
means  by  whicli  this  end  was  to  be  obtained,  the 
first  and  foremost  object  of  his  wishes  was  a  pope 
who  would  come  forward  as  a  true  and  authorita- 
tive reformer.  Entertaining,  however,  but  slender 
hopes  of  such  a  person  being  elected  to  such  a 
position,  he  thought  it  good  that  secular  princes 
and  lords  should  rise  up  against  the  abominable 
traffic  in  spiritual  offices;  yea,  that  they  should  take 
the  superabundant  endowments  of  spiritual  persons, 
which  he  considered  to  be  the  fountain  head  of  the 
entire  pestilence,  into  their  own  hands,  and  give 
the  priests  a  modest  competence  out  of  them.  And 
finally,  he  concluded  that  ordinary  people  should 
also  take  up  a  position  counter  to  open  simonists 
and  ill-living  clergymen  by  withholding  their  main- 
tenance from  them,  and  that  pro  tenqjore  they 
should  cease  to  dread  citations  and  excommunica- 
tions, which  he  looked  upon  as  the  weapons  with 
which  the  clergy  defended  their  wickedness.  In 
enunciating  such  principles,  and  more  and  more 
plainly  urging  the  laity  to  act  upon  them,  Hus  (says 
Tomck)  was  undoubtedly  treading  upon  what  we 
should  call  revolutionary  ground;  but  these  views 
originated  in  him  from  the  persuasion  that  under 
certain  circumstances  it  was  a  matter  of  duty  to 
obey  God  rather  than  man,  and  the  longer  he  de- 
fended them,  the  more  zealous  did  he  grow  in  their 
defence ;  yea,  the  more  and  more  did  he  become 
confirmed  in  his  resolution  to  risk  his  life  for  them. 


212  JOHN   HUS. 


Thus  much  it  is  requisite  to  state  at  once  with 
regard  to  Hus's  principal  writings,  in  order  that 
his  position,  both  as  a  Church -reformer  and  as  an 
individual,  hoth  in  his  own  country  and  in  the 
ecclesiastical  world  in  general,  may  be  properly 
understood,  before  we  accompany  him  on  his  final 
journey  to  Constance.  The  man  himself  will  after- 
wards stand  revealed  before  us  in  a  selection  from 
his  own  waitings  and  letters,  especially  those  in  his 
native  language,  in  which  he  speaks  heart  to  heart 
to  his  own  countrymen.  Never  was  reformer  more 
unselfish,  never  did  a  man  more  completely  lose — 
or  rather  abandon — his  own  individuality  in  the 
great  end  and  object  to  which  he  devoted  his  life. 

But  to  return  to  the  course  of  events.  It  was 
not  till  June  17th,  1413,  that  Bishop  Conrad,  after 
finally  obtaining  his  confirmation  as  archbishop 
from  Pope  John,  was  solemnly  inducted  into  the 
archiepiscopal  see  of  Prague.  The  arrangements 
made  respecting  the  exchange  of  the  bishopric  of 
Olmiitz  and  the  provostship  of  the  Vyssegrad,  were 
also  confirmed,  Magister  Albik  receiving  the 
houorar}^  title  of  Archbishop  of  Csesarea. 

On  the  day  of  the  exhibition  of  the  relics  at 
Prague,  April  20th,  1414,  Hus  again  quitted  his 
refuge  at  Kozi,  and  returned  to  Prague,  where  he 
took  up  his  residence  at  Bethlehem,  but  does  not 
appear  to  have  preached  publicly.  Although  the 
priests,  and  in  particular  the  archbishop,  were 
aware  of  his  presence,  yet  Divine  service  was  not 
on  this  occasion  suspended,  doubtless  in  order  to 


JOHN   HUS   IN   EXILE   FROM  PRAGUE.  213 

avoid  disturbances  among  the  populace.     During 
his  stay  at  Prague,  Hus  composed  his  little  treatise, 
"  On  Six  Errors,"  in  which   he  criticized   faulty 
notions  respecting  the  power  of  the  priesthood,  the 
wicked  employment  of  excommunication,  and  the 
dominant  system  of  simony.     He  caused  the  entire 
treatise  to  he  inscribed  on  the  inner  walls  of  the 
chapel,  in  order  to  draw  the  continuous  attention 
of  the  people  to  the   subject.     This   work  being 
completed  on  June  6th,  he  returned,  in  all  proba- 
bility, shortly  afterwards  to  Kozi,  where,  however, 
apparently  just   about  this  time  his  friend   and 
protector,  John  the  elder,  died,  and  John's  brother 
Ulric,   whose  views    were    unfavourable   to   Hus, 
became  the  guardian   of    his   children.      This   is 
probably  the  reason  why  we  find  Hus  residing  in 
the  town  of  Austi,  whence,  on  June  26th,  he  dated 
another  little  treatise,   intituled  "  The   Kernel  of 
Christian  Doctrine."     Soon  afterwards  he  quitted 
the   district,  and   betook  himself  to  the  castle  of 
Krakovetz,  near  Eakovnik,  whither  he  was  invited 
by  another  noble  friend,  high  in  office  at  the  king's 
court,  Lord  Henry  Lefl  of  Lazany.     It  would  seem 
that  he  travelled  to  Krakovetz  by  Prague,  where 
he  stayed  a  few  days,  and  recommenced  his  journey 
on    July    15th.      At   Krakovetz    he    composed   a 
pamphlet   against   a  priest,   who    had   become   a 
nobleman's   clerk   of  the   kitchen,    and  who   had 
asserted  that  Hus  had  been  expelled  from  another 
district ;    i.e.   from  the    neighbourhood   of  Austi. 
This  Hus  denies  in  the  words  : 


214  JOHN  HUS. 


"  The  priest,  who  is  a  clerk  of  the  kitchen,  must  be  informed, 
that  they  feel  the  want  of  me  greatly  in  that  district,  in  which 
T  preached  in  towns,  villages^  and  fields,  in  castles,  and  under 
castles,  and  in  a  wood  under  a  linden-tree  by  the  castle  called 
Kozi.  And  having  proclaimed  the  Word  of  God  to  them,  T 
have  betaken  myself  to  another  district  to  proclaim  the  truth 
there  also.  And  afterwards,  if  God  permit,  I  shall  go  into 
another  district." 

There  is  no  doubt  that  Hus  is  perfectly  correct  in 
his  statements  as  to  the  feehngs  of  the  %>^ople  in 
Austi  and  its  neighbourhood,  but  the  priestly  clerk 
of  the  kitchen  had  also  something  to  say  in  de- 
fence of  his  assertion,  considering  the  sentiments 
of  the  new  master  of  Kozi. 

Meanwhile  adversaries  arose  against  Hus  in 
foreign  and  distant  lands.  His  fame  had  by  this 
time  spread  throughout  Christendom,  and  brought 
into  the  field  against  him,  amongst  others,  no  less  a 
person  than  the  distinguished  French  theologian, 
John  Gerson,  chancellor  of  the  University  of  Paris, 
who,  though  recognizing  the  need  of  reform  in  the 
Church,  especially  in  the  discipline  of  the  clergy, 
was  nevertheless  a  passionate  defender  of  rigid 
authority,  and  of  the  supremacy  of  the  Church  over 
temporal  rulers  and  nations.  The  tendency  in 
Bohemia  to  resist  ecclesiastical  authority  excited 
his  displeasure,  and  he  therefore  wrote  on  May  17th, 
1414,  to  Conrad,  Archbishop  of  Prague,  setting 
forth  the  danger  of  Wycliffe's  doctrines,  and  "  how 
difficult,  yea  impossible,"  it  was  to  correct  and 
reduce  to  order  their  disseminators  "  by  reasoning 
or  authority,  because  they  feared  neither  to  deny 


JOHN  HUS   IN  EXILE   FROM   PRAGUE.  21b 

nor  oppose  the  principles  of  Divine  law  and  apostolic 
authority,  hy  which  they  ought  to  regulate  their 
conduct."  He  therefore  urged  Conrad  for  this  pur- 
pose to  seek  the  aid  of  King  Wenceslas,  and,  if 
requisite,  endeavour  to  constrain  him  thereto  by 
means  of  excommunication  and  other  punishments 
ordained  by  spiritual  and  temporal  law  against 
rulers  who  paid  no  regard  to  the  extirpation  of 
heresy.  Later,  after  copies  of  some  of  Hus's  writ- 
ings had  been  placed  in  his  hands,  he  extracted, 
particularly  from  the  treatise  "  On  the  Church," 
various  propositions,  either  explicitly  or  implicitly 
(formaliter  aut  elicitive)  therein  contained,  and  sent 
them  to  Archbishop  Conrad  as  erroneous.  He  also 
wrote  him  a  second  letter  (September  24th),  re- 
presenting the  danger  of  such  principles  to  all 
power,  whether  spiritual  or  temporal,  reiterating 
that  both  powers  ought  to  arise  and  extirpate  them 
by  fire  and  sword,  rather  than  by  careful  or 
*'  curious  "  reasoning. 

Archbishop  Conrad  (September  2nd)  returned  a 
courteous  answer  to  Gerson's  first  letter,  thanking 
him  for  his  attention,  and  declaring  his  own  readi- 
ness to  do  his  utmost  to  extirpate  error,  even  if  he 
had  to  risk  his  life  in  so  doing.  But  such  language 
could  scarcely  have  come  from  his  heart,  knowing 
as  he  did  the  sentiments  of  Wenceslas  far  better 
than  the  Chancellor  of  Paris,  and  intending,  as  far 
as  possible,  to  shape  his  course  thereby.  Appli- 
cation was  also  made  to  King  "Wenceslas  by  Pope 
John,  who  wrote  to  him  from  Bologna  (June  17th), 


216  JOHN   HUS. 


again  complaining  that  the  Wycliffite  heresy,  which 
had  been  condemned  by  what  he  termed  a  "general 
comicil  "  at  Eome,  was  increasing  in  the  countries 
under  Wenceslas's  rule,  and  that  disobedience 
towards  the  papal  see,  and  disregard  for  ecclesias- 
tical penalties,  were  publicly  preached ;  expressing, 
moreover,  his  confidence  that  the  king,  as  protector 
of  the  Church,  would  exert  all  his  power  to  root  out 
that  plague  for  the  preservation  of  the  honour  and 
good  estate  of  his  realm. 

When  Pope  John  sent  this  letter,  he  had  been 
more  than  a  year  non-resident  at  Eome,  owing  to 
its  capture  by  his  mortal  foe,  Ladislaw  of  Naples, 
on  May  31st,  1413.  The  blow  thus  inflicted  upon 
him  induced  him  after  long  refusal  eventually  to 
assent  to  the  wish  for  the  convocation  of  a  real 
"general  council"  according  to  the  resolutions  of 
the  council  of  Pisa.  Moreover,  at  the  instance 
of  Sigismund,  King  of  the  Romans  and  of  Hungary, 
who  had  marched  into  Italy,  partly  to  his  assist- 
ance and  partly  on  account  of  the  war  between 
Hungary  and  Venice,  he  also  agreed  (December 
9th,  1413),  that  the  council  should  be  held  in  a 
German  city,  Constance,  in  Swabia.  The  opening 
of  the  council  was  appointed  for  November  1st, 
1414.  After  a  personal  interview  with  the  pope  at 
Lodi  at  the  end  of  1413,  in  which  no  doubt  the 
condition  of  Bohemia  was  discussed,  Sigismund 
began  to  interest  himself  in  the  matter  of  Hus, 
and  hit  upon  the  idea  of  inducing  Hus,  who  re- 
fused to   appear  for  trial  at  Piomc,  or  before  the 


JOHN  HUS  IN  EXILE  FROM  PRAGUE.  217 

papal  curia,  to  appear  before  the  council  to  justify 
liimself  with  regard  to  his  orthodoxy,  a  plan  which 
Sigismund  intended  to  provide  him  with  full  and 
free  opportunity  of  carrying  into  execution.  While 
staying  at  Friuli  some  time  in  the  spring  of  1414, 
Sigismund  requested  two  Bohemian  nobles  at- 
tached to  the  court  of  Wenceslas,  who  were  with 
him  either  on  some  embassy  or  possibly  assisting 
him  in  his  war  against  Venice,  Lord  Wenceslas  of 
Duba  and  Lestno,  and  Lord  John  of  Chlum,  sur- 
named  Kepka,  to  discuss  the  subject  with  Hus  on 
their  return  to  Bohemia.  Later,  he  also  made 
use  of  the  services  of  Lord  Henry  Lefl,  with  whom 
Hus  was  residing  at  Krakovetz,  and  likewise  of 
those  of  Lord  Nicholas  Divoky  of  Jemniste.  These 
were  all  favourers  of  Hus  and  his  party. 

These  negotiations  were  probably  the  cause  that 
Hus,  after  a  brief  stay  at  Krakovetz,  journeyed 
thence  to  Prague  (August  6th),  attended  by  a 
numerous  escort  of  gentlemen  and  others,  intend- 
ing, no  doubt,  to  consult  his  friends  with  regard 
thereto.  King  Sigismund's  intention,  as  signified 
to  Hus  by  the  noblemen  commissioned  to  com- 
municate with  him,  was  not  only  to  give  him  a 
safe  conduct  on  his  way  to  Constance,  but  also  to 
procure  him  a  free  and  safe  public  hearing  in  the 
council,  in  such  manner  indeed,  that  if  he  w^ere 
unwilling  to  submit  to  the  judgment  of  the  council, 
he  was  to  have  a  free  and  safe  journey  back  to 
his  own  coimtry.  Such  is  Hus's  own  statement 
in  a  letter  written  after  June  5th,  1415,  and  also 


218  JOHN   HUS. 


in  an  earlier,  but  undated  letter,  in  which  he  ex- 
pressed a  wish  that  he  could  but  once  at  any  rate 
speak  with  the  king,  since  he  had  come  thither  at 
his  wish  and  under  his  promise  that   he  should 
return  safe  to  Bohemia.     Nor  is  there  any  reason 
to  doubt  that  such  inducements  were  actually  held 
out  to  him  by  Sigismund.     Whether  the  king  were 
exceeding  his  powers  or  not  in  promising  a  safe 
return,  to  Bohemia,  should  Hus  decline  to  submit 
to  the  judgment  of  the  council,  is  another  question  ; 
but  it  is  impossible  not  to  suspect  that  Sigismund 
promised  more  than  he  knew  he  could  perform, 
in  hope  that  the  chapter  of  accidents  would  even- 
tually relieve  him  of  trouble   and  responsibility. 
There    were    not   w^anting    people    among    Hus's 
friends  and  favourers,  who  knew  Sigismund  well, 
and  warned  Hus  at  once  against  trusting  his  safe 
conduct.     "He  will  deliver  thee  to  thine  enemies 
himself,"    they  told    him ;    nay.    Lord    Nicholas 
Divoky  said  to  him  in  a  confidential  conversation 
in  the   presence   of  Magister   John   of    Jesenitz : 
"Magistcr!    know   for   certain  that  thou  wilt   be 
condemned."     "  I  think,"  writes  Hus  in  the  letter 
first  above  quoted,  **  he  knew  the  king's  intention. 
I  thought  that  God's   law  and  the  truth  had   a 
savour  for  him ;  now  I  understand  that  they  savour 
to  him  not  much ;  he  condemned  me  before  my 
enemies  did  so."    Probably  Hus  partly  entertained 
a  certain  belief  in  Sigismund's  honour  and  honesty 
and  expressed  intention  "  to  bring  his  cause  to  a 
satisfactory  conclusion,"  and  partly  had  made  up 


JOHN  HUS  IN   EXILE  FROM  PRAGUE.  219 

liis  mind  too  firmly  to  be  diverted  from  his  pur- 
pose by  any  personal  considerations.  He  desired 
to  make  use  of  the  assistance  proffered  him  by 
Sigismnnd  to  make  an  attempt  to  gain  a  nctory 
for  his  views  in  the  council,  and  should  it  be  un- 
successful, he  had  no  -wish  to  elude  the  danger 
that  threatened  his  life.  He  therefore,  some  time 
in  August,[^replied  in  writing  to  King  Sigismund, 
that  he  intended  humbly  to  risk  his  life  and  appear 
under  the  protection  of  his  majesty's  safe  conduct 
at  the  approaching  council  of  Constance. 

Meanwhile  the  last-mentioned  letter  of  Pope 
John  to  King  Wenceslas,  urging  him  to  extirpate 
heresy,  had  arrived  at  Prague.  Hus,  on  hearing 
of  it,  sought  to  pacify  the  king  by  taking  a  short 
and  ready  method  of  extricating  himself  from  ill- 
repute.  On  August  27th  there  was  to  be  an  ex- 
traordinary synod  at  Prague  on  account  of  some 
business  between  the  king  and  the  clergy.  On  the 
day  preceding  Hus  caused  notices  to  be  placarded 
in  Latin,  Bohemian,  and  German,  at  the  cathedral 
and  other  churches  in  Prague,  at  all  colleges,  on 
the  gates  of  the  king's  and  archbishop's  palaces 
and  elsewhere,  sent  them  about  to  other  towns, 
and  caused  them  to  be  read  aloud  at  sermons, 
inviting  every  one,  who  desired  to  accuse  him  of 
obstinate  persistence  in  error  or  heresy,  to  bind 
himself  to  prove  the  same  under  penalty  of  a  like 
punishment  should  he  fail  to  do  so ;  for  he  (Hus) 
was  willing  to  appear  before  the  archbishops  and 
prelates  and  answer  every  one  with  regard  to  his 


220  JOHN   HUS. 


faith,  and  if  convicted,  to  suffer  as  a  man  in  error 
or  a  heretic  ;  and  was  willing  similarl}^  to  appear 
at  Constance  before  the  pope  and  the  general 
council. 

When  the  synod  was  opened  in  the  archbishop's 
palace  on  the  Kleinseite,  Magister  John  of  Jesenitz 
came  as  Hus's  representative  in  front  of  the  palace 
with  a  notary  and  witnesses,  knocked  at  the  door, 
and  requested  that  either  Hus  in  person  or  him- 
self as  his  representative  should  be  admitted  into 
the  assembly  before  the  archbishop,  the  prelates, 
and  the  rest  of  the  clergy,  with  the  intent  and 
purpose  notified  in  the  placards.  The  archbishop's 
marshal  came  out  and  informed  the  magister  that 
at  that  time,  and  so  long  as  the  assembly  was 
treating  of  the  king's  matters,  he  could  not  be 
admitted,  but  he  might  wait  outside  and  return 
when  the  business  was  ended.  Magister  Jesenitz 
waited  for  some  time  requesting  admission,  and 
when  he  found  himself  unable  to  obtain  it,  caused 
a  declaration  to  that  effect  to  be  drawn  up  and 
signed  by  the  witnesses. 

No  one  came  forward  in  answer  to  Hus's  i)la- 
cards,  and  he  therefore  placarded  another  notifi- 
cation on  the  gates  of  the  king's  palace  in  the  Old 
Town,  addressed  to  the  king,  the  queen,  the  high 
steward,  and  all  the  king's  court,  requesting  them 
to  bear  him  witness,  that  he  had  presented  himself 
to  answer  any  one  who  wished  to  accuse  him,  but 
nobody  had  entered  into  the  required  engagement 
with  him ;  and  announcing  anew  that  he  intended 


JOHN   HUS  IN   EXILE   FllOM   PRAGUE.  221 

to  appear  before  the  general  council  at  Constancj, 
and  did  not  refuse  to  suffer  as  a  heretic,  should  any 
heresy  he  proved  against  him.  He  also  wrote  to 
King  Sigismund  on  September  1st,  sending  him 
copies  of  his  placards,  and  requesting  him,  accord- 
ing to  promise,  to  grant  him  a  safe  conduct  to 
Constance  and  obtain  him  a  safe  and  public  hear- 
ing; for  he  hoped  without  fear  "to  confess  the 
Lord  Christ,  and,  if  requisite,  suffer  death  for  His 
most  righteous  law." 

Hus  then  adopted  another  mode  of  obtaining 
evidence  to  show  that  no  heresy  had  yet  been 
proved  against  him.  His  authorized  representa- 
tive, Magister  John  of  Jesenitz,  appeared  on 
August  30th  at  the  house  of  the  royal  master 
of  the  mint,  Peter  Zmerzlik  of  Svojsin,  before 
Nicholas,  Bishop  of  Nazareth,  inquisitor  of  heresy 
in  the  diocese  of  Prague,  and  inquired  whether  he 
w^as  aware  of  any  error  or  heresy  in  Magister 
John  Hus.  The  bishop  replied  before  witnesses, 
"  that  he  had  frequently  associated  with  Magister 
John  Hus,  eating  and  drinking  with  him,  had  often 
been  present  at  his  sermons,  and  had  had  many 
conversations  with  him  on  divers  matters  of  Holy 
Scripture,  but  had  never  found  any  error  or  heresy 
in  him,  but  in  all  his  words  and  deeds  had  found 
him  an  orthodox  and  Catholic  man."  Magister 
Jesenitz  again  inquired  whether  any  one  had  ever 
accused  Hus  of  error  or  heresy  before  him,  as 
inquisitor  appointed  by  the  papal  see.  The  bishop 
replied  that  this  had  never  been  done  by  any  one, 


222  JOHN   HUB. 


although  Hus  had  at  that  time  issued  notifications 
for  the  purpose  by  placards  throughout  the  whole 
city.  In  addition  to  the  testimony  signed  by  the 
witnesses,  the  bishop  gave  Hus  a  letter  patent 
under  his  own  seal  in  the  words  above  cited. 

Hus's  adversaries  did  not  come  forward  publicly 
against  him,  as  they  were  invited  by  him  to  do, 
but  conspired  against  him  the  more  in  secret,  as 
soon  as  they  learned  his  intention  of  appearing 
before  the  council.  They  commenced  their  prepa- 
rations to  destroy  him  there  by  collecting  witnesses 
against  him,  and  taking  their  evidence,  in  order 
to  be  able  to  accuse  him  of  heresy.  Again,  as  in 
1409  before  the  late  archbishop  at  Prague,  the 
first  among  these  witnesses  was  John  Protiva,  in- 
cumbent of  St.  Clement's  at  Poritz,  and  formerly 
preacher  at  Bethlehem,  and  with  him  Magister 
Andrew  of  Brod,  one  of  the  eight  Doctors  of  Theo- 
logy and  a  Canon  of  Prague.  The  principal  tenour 
of  their  evidence  was,  that  Hus  taught  that  the 
substance  of  bread  remained  in  the  sacrament 
after  consecration,  and  that  a  priest  in  sin  did  not 
absolve.  These  things  they  brought  against  him, 
partly  from  private  conversations  held  several  years 
ago  at  St.  Michael's  parsonage  and  in  the  house  of 
Wenceslas  the  cupmaker,  and  also  at  a  friendly 
visit  which  Hus  made  to  Andrew  of  Brod  in  his 
room  in  the  Carolinum  in  the  presence  of  two  other 
magisters ;  and  partly  from  Hus's  public  sermons, 
in  which  they  caught  phrases,  to  which  they  gave  a 
different  turn,  and  which  they  applied  in  a  difi'crent 


JOHN   HTJS   IN   EXILE   FROM   PRAGUE.  223 

sense.  They  also  accused  him  of  exciting  disturb- 
ances between  the  Bohemians  and  Germans,  re- 
ferring not  only  to  his  action  as  to  the  three  votes 
of  the  Bohemian  "  nation  "  in  1409,  but  also  to  his 
sermon  in  1400,  at  the  time  of  the  siege  of  Prague 
by  the  Margraves  of  Meissen.  Andrew  of  Brod 
was  not  ashamed  to  accuse  Hus  of  his  exertions 
with  respect  to  the  three  votes,  although  he  had 
himself  stood  shoulder  to  shoulder  with  him,  when 
that  matter  was  in  question. 

Hus,  who  had  meanwhile  returned  from  Prague 
to  Krakovetz,  not  only  received  information  of  the 
plots  of  his  adversaries,  but  also  obtained  copies 
of  the  statements  of  all  the  witnesses,  with  their 
names.  Not  desiring  to  remain  in  evil  repute 
upon  false  grounds,  especially  if  he  were  to  lose  his 
life  at  Constance,  the  possibility  of  which  he  never 
concealed  fi'om  himself  for  a  moment,  he  wrote 
notes  and  interlineations,  proving  the  charges  to 
be  false,  and  again,  as  ever,  repudiated  the  opinions 
which  were  now  ascribed  to  him  anew.  It  was  his 
wish  that  the  statements  of  the  witnesses,  with  his 
replies,  should  be  read  aloud  after  his  departure 
'*  to  all  faithful  and  beloved  brethren  in  the  Lord 
Jesus,  who  had  heard  or  received  the  Word  of  God 
through  him,"  as  well  as  a  farewell  letter  which  he 
sent  them  (October  10th),  in  order  that,  knowing 
his  opinions,  they  might  not  be  dispirited  if  he 
were  condemned  for  any  imputed  heresy. 

As  regards  the  accusation  relating  to  the  assign- 
ment of  three  votes  to  the  Bohemian  ''nation" 


224  JOHN   HUS. 


against  the  one  left  to  the  Germans,  Hus  requested 
the  rector  and  council  of  the  university  to  give  him 
for  his  defence  a  copy  of  King  Wenceslas's  charter 
(privilegium) ,  and  of  the  university's  own  decree, 
from  the  statute  book,  and  likewise  a  copy  of  the 
resolution  of  the  university  protesting  against 
Archbishop  Zbynek's  burning  of  Wycliffe's  books. 
Although  no  safe  conduct  had  yet  reached  him 
from  Sigismund,  Hus  resolved  to  start  without  it, 
and  made  all  needful  preparations  for  the  journey. 
The  escort  of  the  three  commissioners  appointed 
by  King  Wenceslas  to  travel  with  him  was  provi- 
sionally to  secure  his  safety  on  the  way  to  Con- 
stance. These  were  the  same  two  noblemen  who 
had  originally  negotiated  with  Hus  on  behalf  of 
King  Sigismund,  Lord  Wenceslas  of  Duba  and 
Lestno,  and  the  Knight  John  of  Chlum;  and, 
thirdly,  a  relative  of  the  last  mentioned,  Lord 
Henry  of  Chlum  and  Laccmbok. 

As  meanwhile,  during  the  usual  session  of  the 
high  court  of  justice  at  the  Ember  days  preceding 
Michaelmas,  a  parliament  of  the  estates  was  held 
at  Prague,  Hus  wrote  a  letter  to  the  lords  there 
assembled,  petitioning  them  to  inquire  of  Arch- 
bishop Conrad,  who  was  also  present,  whether  he 
was  aware  of  any  error  or  heresy  in  him,  because 
he  was  willing  to  clear  himself  of  it  in  the  realm 
beforehand,  or  suffer  punishment  if  he  failed  to  do 
so  ;  and  if  the  archbishox)  was  not  aware  of  any 
such  thing,  requesting  him  to  give  his  testimony  to 
that  effect.    The  lords  put  the  question  to  the  arch- 


JOHN   HUS   IN   EXILE  FROM   PRAGUE.  225 

bishop,  who  replied  orally,  that  he  was  not  aware 
of  any  error  or  heresy  in  Hus,  neither  did  he  accuse 
him  of  such;  but  it  was  the  pope  who  accused  him, 
and  it  was  therefore  before  the  pope  that  he  must 
clear  himself.  Testimony  was  borne  to  this  by  the 
High  Bm-ggrave  of  Prague  and  others  in  a  letter  in 
the  Bohemian  language  to  King  Sigismund,  dated 
October  7th,  in  which  they  also  entreated  him  on 
their  own  account  to  obtain  for  Hus  a  public  hear- 
ing in  the  council,  "that  he  might  not  be  put  to 
shame  in  a  corner  to  the  disgrace  of  their  nation- 
ality and  of  the  land  of  Bohemia." 

Four  days  afterwards,  on  the  Thursday  before 
the  festival  of  St.  Gallus,  October  11th,  1414,  Hus 
started  with  the  three  lords  appointed  to  accompany 
him  from  Krakovetz  on  the  road  to  Constance, 
taking  leave  of  his  friends  in  an  earnest  and  affec- 
tionate letter  in  the  Bohemian  tongue,  which  will 
appear  in  cxtcnso  afterwards. 


22G  JOHN   HUS. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

JOHN    HUS   AT    CONSTANCE. 

During  Hus's  journey  to  Constance  without  safe 
conduct  everything  seemed  to  smile  upon  him.  He 
travelled  with  his  face  uncovered,  and  never  con- 
cealed by  his  hood.  In  every  German  town  that 
he  entered  he  was  received,  either  by  the  clergy 
or  by  the  civil  authorities,  in  a  friendly  manner. 
The  incumbent  of  Pernau  drank  his  health  and 
told  him  that  he  had  always  been  his  friend.  At 
Salzbach  the  "  Landrecht  "  was  sitting  in  the  inn 
at  which  he  lodged ;  he  made  himself  known  to  the 
magistrates  and  elders,  and  had  an  agreeable  con- 
versation with  them.  In  Lauf,  he  had  a  pleasant 
conference  with  the  incumbent,  who  was  a  "  great 
jurist."  At  Nuremberg  he  arrived  on  October  29th, 
his  approach  having  been  announced  beforehand 
by  travelling  merchants ;  and  crowds  of  people 
stood  in  the  streets  looking  out  and  asking,  "  Which 
is  Magister  Hus  ?  "  One  incumbent  wrote  him  a 
letter,  stating  that  he  had  long  wished  to  talk  with 


JOHN   HUS  AT  CONSTANCE.  227 

liim  ;  another  came  after  dinner  desiring  to  confer 
with  him  in  a  friendly  manner.  Hiis  declined  a 
private  conference,  sa^dng  that  he  was  in  the  habit 
of  preaching  publicly,  and  wished  all  comers  to 
hear  what  he  said.  The  conversation  lasted  about 
four  hours,  till  twilight,  and  at  its  conclusion  those 
who  had  taken  part  in  it  said  to  him  :  "  Certainly, 
magister,  the  things  that  we  have  heard  are 
Catholic,  and  we  have  taught  and  held  them  many 
years ;  and  if  there  is  nothing  else  against  you, 
you  will  be  sure  to  come  forth  or  return  with 
honour  from  the  council."  Hus  says  that  he  did 
not  meet  an  enemy  on  the  journey ;  nowhere  was 
Divine  service  suspended  on  account  of  his  pre- 
sence ;  and  all  applauded  the  German  and  Latin 
notification  of  his  intention  of  travelling  to  the 
council  of  Constance  to  answer  for  his  faith  and 
doctrine,  which  he  caused  to  be  placarded  in  every 
imperial  town.  He  was  not,  however,  always 
without  a  precursor,  who  endeavoured,  though 
unsuccessfully,  to  raise  a  prejudice  against  him. 
The  Bishop  of  Lubeck  preceded  him  during  part  of 
his  jom-ney  from  place  to  place  by  one  night, 
spreading  a  report  that  he  was  being  conveyed  in 
fetters  in  a  cart,  and  warning  people  against  him 
"because  he  knew  men's  minds."  The  natural 
result  was,  that  greater  curiosity  was  roused  and 
larger  crowds  assembled  to  see  him. 

Lord  Wenceslas  of  Duba  quitted  Hus  at  Nurem- 
berg, and  went  to  the  Rhine  in  quest  of  the 
promised  safe  conduct,  while  Hus  travelled  onwards 


228  JOHN  iius. 


with  Jolin  of  Chlum  and  Henry  Lacembok.  At 
Biberach,  John  of  Chlum  talked  so  fluently  and 
learnedly  on  behalf  of  Hus,  preaching,  as  Hus 
says,  more  than  he  did  himself,  that  he  was  taken 
for  a  Doctor  of  Theology,  and  was  thenceforth 
sportively  nicknamed  by  the  party  the  ''Doctoralis 
de  Pibrach."  They  arrived  at  Constance  on 
November  3rd,  and  Hus  took  lodgings  with  a 
''good  widow"  named  Fida,  in  St.  Paul's  Street. 
The  next  day  the  two  nobles  visited  Pope  John 
XXIII .  at  his  palace,  and  informed  him  that  they 
had  brought  Magister  John  Hus  under  safe  conduct 
from  the  King  of  the  Eomans  and  of  Hungary. 
The  pope  promised  that  he  would  allow  no  violence 
to  be  used  towards  him,  and  that  he  should  be 
safe  in  Constance,  even  "  though  he  had  killed  his 
(the  pope's)  own  brother."  On  November  4th,  Hus 
wrote  a  Latin  letter  to  his  friends  at  Prague, 
telling  them  of  the  dearness  of  both  food  and 
lodging,  and  intimating  that  he  should  soon  be 
in  want  of  necessaries.  On  November  9th,  the 
pope  sent  a  message  to  him,  informing  him  that 
in  the  plenitude  of  his  power  he  had  suspended 
the  interdict  and  excommunication  against  him, 
and  that  he  might  walk  freely  about  Constance,  and 
visit  whatever  localities  he  thought  fit,  but  withal 
requesting  him  not  to  attend  high  masses,  in  order 
to  prevent  scandal  arising  and  to  avoid  becoming 
the  subject  of  conversation.  The  safe  conduct,  which 
Wenceslas  of  Duba  obtained  from  the  king,  was 
dated  Spires,  October  18th,  but  the  exact  date  of  its 


JOHN   HUS  AT  CONSTANCE.  229 

arrival  at  Constance  does  not  appear,  although  it 
had  manifestly  arrived  before  November  28th.  It  is 
couched  in  tolerably  strong  language,  commanding 
all  princes,  lords,  and  officials  to  assist  Hus  on  his 
journey  to  Constance,  and  allow  him  to  "pass,  halt, 
stay  and  return,  freely,"  but  I  do  not  see  anything 
in  it  which  would  make  it  of  exceptional  value 
as  compared  with  other  letters  of  safe  conduct, 
though  it  was  certainly  not  an  ordinary  passport. 
Full  of  hope  that  he  would  be  allowed,  according 
to  Sigismund's  promise,  to  defend  his  belief  freely 
and  publicly  in  the  council,  and  to  speak  in  the 
interest  of  the  aims  and  endeavours  to  which  he 
had  devoted  the  greater  part  of  his  life  and  powers, 
Hus  wrote  on  November  16th  a  Bohemian  letter  to 
the  people  of  Prague,  exhorting  them  to  steadfast- 
ness in  all  that  was  good.  After  consulting  with 
the  lords  who  escorted  him,  he  determined  to  take 
no  active  step  till  after  the  arrival  of  King  Sigis- 
mund,  who  was  expected  to  appear  at  Constance 
in  person  about  Christmas. 

But  matters  ere  long  took  a  very  different  turn. 
Hus's  enemies  were  no  laggards  in  making  pre- 
parations for  his  destruction,  and  in  collecting 
everything  that  might  be  useful  for  accusing  him 
before  the  council.  The  first  instigation  thereto 
appears  to  have  come  from  the  chapters  of  Prague 
and  the  Vyssegrad,  the  two  societies  which  were 
composed  of  the  richest  pluralists  and  foremost 
traffickers  in  the  simony  of  the  day  in  Bohemia, 
whose   material  interests   were   most   deeply  con- 


230  JOHN   HUS. 


cerned  in  the  maintenance  of  the  existing  system. 
It  was  no  doubt  througli  their  action  that  a  collec- 
tion was  made  from  the  clergy  in  all  deaneries  for 
the  expenses  of  Bishoii  John  of  Litomysl,  Hus's 
declared  enemy,  who  was  to  go  to  the  council 
and  manage  all  for  the  attainment  of  the  desired 
end.  It  was  no  doubt,  too,  by  commission  from 
the  chapter  of  Prague,  that  Michael  de  Causis,  its 
former  agent  at  Eome,  now  betook  himself  to 
Constance  to  carry  on  the  proceedings  against  Hus, 
Yvhich  he  had  hitherto  conducted  in  the  papal 
curia.  Two  of  Hus's  former  friends,  Stanislas  of 
Znaym,  and  Stephen  of  Palecz,  were  urged  on 
against  him  by  the  goad  of  personal  spite,  and 
started  for  Constance  at  their  own  expense  to 
testify  and  assist  against  him.  Stanislas,  who 
appears  to  have  been  residing  at  his  birthplace 
in  Moravia,  died  suddenly  on  the  road  from  a 
paralytic  stroke  at  ''Henry's  Castle,"  in  the  south 
of  Bohemia.  Palecz  appears  to  have  arrived  at 
Constance  a  little  earlier  than  Hus,  and  to  have 
immediately  united'"  with  Michael  in  his  work. 
They  were  soon  joined  by  other  enemies  of  Hus's, 
in  particular  the  former  Dean  and  then  Provost 
of  Passau,  Wenceslas  Tiem,  whose  traffic  in 
indulgences  had  been  so  terribly  spoilt  by  Hus  at 
Prague  in  1412. 

Michael  de  Causis  placarded,  on  the  day  after 
Hus's  arrival  at  Constance,  public  denunciations 
against  him,  as  obstinate  and  contumacious  under 
excommunication,   and  suspected  of  heresy ;    and 


JOHN  BUS  AT  CONSTANCE.  231 

this  he  continued  to  do,  day  after  day,  without  the 
slightest  notice  being  taken  thereof  by  Hus.  Soon 
afterwards  he  not  only  drew  up  a  formal  accusation, 
which  he  gave  in  to  Pope  John,  but  also,  in  com- 
IDany  with  Palecz,  paid  almost  daily  visits  to  the 
cardinals,  archbishops,  bishops,  and  other  digni- 
taries present  at  Constance,  representing  to  them 
the  dangerous  character  of  Hus,  especially  as 
an  exciter  of  the  nobility  and  people  against  the 
clergy,  and  insinuating  that  the  humiliation  of 
the  ecclesiastical  body  would  be  greatly  increased 
if  he  were  allowed  to  return  home  safe  and  free 
from  the  council.  Besides  this  he  depicted  Hus 
as  a  disseminator  of  Wycliffe's  heretical  doctrines, 
and  even  had  the  audacity  to  charge  him  with 
having  brought  about  the  German  magisters'  loss 
of  the  three  votes  in  the  University  of  Prague,  and 
their  consequent  wholesale  emigration  in  1409, 
in  order  to  rid  himself  of  their  opposition  to 
his  machinations.  Such  instigations  were  the  more 
effective,  as  most  of  those  to  whom  they  were 
applied  were  of  one  spirit  with  those  who  applied 
them.  At  length  an  arrangement  was  made  be- 
tween the  pope  and  the  cardinals  who  managed  the 
council,  that  Hus  should  be  deprived  of  freedom, 
and  that  the  authorities  should  proceed  toj'udg- 
ment  against  him,  which  he  had  hitherto  eluded 
by  non-appearance  to  the  papal  citation.  A  silly 
story  became  suddenly  current  at  Constance  after 
Hus  had  been  there  three  weeks  and  a  half.  It 
was  said  that  he  had  been  conveyed  out  of  the 


232  JOHN   HUS. 


town  in  a  hay  cart,  a  tale  wliicli  may  have  been 
purposely  circulated  to  lend  a  colour  to  the  action 
of  the  ecclesiastical  authorities  in  arresting  him. 
As  a  matter  of  fact,  he  had  never  passed  the 
threshold  of  his  lodgings,  though  he  had  privately 
celebrated  mass  there  and  conversed  freely  with 
any  one  who  thought  fit  to  visit  him. 

On  November  28th,  the  Bishops  of  Augsburg  and 
Trent,  the  Burgomaster  of  Constance,  and  a  noble- 
man, John  of  Baden,  came  to  Hus's  lodgings 
about  dinner-time,  and  told  Lord  John  of  Chlum 
that  they  had  come  to  Magister  John  Hus  on 
behalf  of  the  cardinals  and  by  command  of  the 
pope,  who  were  ready  to  give  him  a  hearing,  even 
as  he  had  himself  previously  asked  to  speak  with 
them.  Chlum  saw  at  once  through  the  transparent 
device,  and  gave  them  an  angry  reply,  stating  the 
position  in  which  Hus  was  under  the  protection  of 
a  safe -conduct  from  the  king.  He  turned  to  the 
burgomaster,  and  told  him  in  German  that  even  if 
the  Devil  were  to  come  to  plead  his  cause,  he  ought 
to  have  an  honest  hearing ;  and  finally  informed 
them,  that  it  was  the  king's  express  wish  that  Hus 
should  say  nothing  respecting  his  case  till  his  (the 
king's)  arrival  at  Constance,  and  warned  them  to  do 
nothing  contrary  to  the  king's  honour.  The  Bishop 
of  Trent  repHed,  that  they  had  come  merely  in 
the  interests  of  peace  and  to  prevent  a  tumult. 

Hearing  this,  Hus,  who  was  probably  personally 
unknown  to  the  bishops  and  those  with  them,  rose 
from  table  and  said,  that  he  had  not  made  that 


JOHN   HUS  AT  CONSTANCE.  233 

long  journey  to  meet  the  cardinals,  neither  had  be 
ever  desired  to  speak  with  them  apart,  but  had 
come  to  the  whole  council,  and  would  there  say 
what  God  should  put  in  his  mouth,  and  answer 
the  questions  asked  him.  Still,  at  the  request  of 
the  cardinals,  he  was  ready  to  go  to  them  at  once, 
and  should  he  be  questioned  on  any  subject,  he 
hoped  he  should  prefer  to  suffer  death  rather  than 
deny  any  truth  that  he  had  learned  from  the 
Scriptures  or  otherwise.  Meanwhile,  the  house 
itself  and  several  others  had  been  surrounded  by 
armed  men  belonging  to  the  city.  As  Hus  came 
downstairs,  his  hostess  stepped  forwards  to  bid 
him  farewell.  He  solemnly  blessed  her,  and  she 
replied  by  tears.  Hus  then  mounted  a  pony,  and 
rode  with  the  messengers  and  Lord  John  of  Chlum 
to  the  pope's  palace  and  the  assembled  cardinals. 

On  entering  the  room  in  which  the  cardinals 
were,  Hus  saluted  them,  and  the  president  ad- 
dressed him,  saying,  "  Magister  John !  many 
strange  things  are  said  of  you,  that  you  have 
held  and  disseminated  many  errors  in  the  land  of 
Bohemia;  we  have  therefore  caused  you  to  be  sum- 
moned, because  w^e  wished  to  speak  with  you,  to 
know  if  this  be  so."  Hus  replied,  "  Most  reverend 
fathers !  let  your  paternity  know,  that  I  would 
rather  die  than  hold  a  single  error.  See !  I  have 
come  freely  to  this  council,  and  when  it  is  shown 
me  that  I  have  erred  in  any  respect,  I  am  ready 
humbly  to  be  corrected  and  to  amend  it."  The 
cardinals  said,  "  Verily,  these  are  good  words  ; " 


234  JOHN   HUS. 


and  with  that  departed  to  their  lodgings,  leaving 
Hus  in  the  custody  of  the  pope's  armed  attendants, 
Chlum  also  remaining  with  him. 

While  Hus  was  in  this  situation,  an  incident 
occurred  which  does  not  appear  to  have  any  very 
great  significance  in  itself,  but  which  possessed 
such  importance  in  the  eyes  of  the  Austrian  cen- 
sorship of  the  press,  that  it  was  struck  out  of 
Palacky's  great  "  History  of  Bohemia."  A  Minorite 
monk  appeared,  went  up  to  Hus  and  addressed 
him  in  a  modest  and  lowly  manner,  telling  him 
that  he  was  a  simple  monk  and  layman  who  had 
heard  many  extraordinary  things  about  him,  and 
had  therefore  come  with  the  desire  of  learning 
whether  or  no  he  held  the  things  ascribed  to  him  ; 
in  particular,  that  after  consecration  material 
bread  remained  in  the  sacrament  of  the  altar. 
Hus  replied  that  he  did  not.  The  monk  repeated 
the  question,  and  received  the  same  answer  no  less 
than  thrice.  At  this  Chlum  entered  into  the  con- 
versation, asking  the  monk  what  manner  of  man 
he  was,  and  saying,  "  If  any  one  once  afQrms  or 
denies  a  thing  to  me,  I  believe  him  ;  this  man  has 
stated  to  you  thrice  that  he  doesn't  hold  it,  and 
you  keep  on  asking  the  question  again."  The 
monk  replied,  "  Excellent  knight !  do  not  find  fault 
with  me,  layman  and  simple  brother  that  I  am, 
for  asking  questions  for  the  sake  of  instruction." 
He  then  proceeded  to  make  further  inquiries  of 
Hus  as  to  the  hypostatic  union  of  the  two  natures, 
Divine  and  Human,  in  the  person  of  Christ.     Upon 


JOHN  HUS  AT   CONSTANCE.  285 

this,  IIiis  said  to  Cblum  in  Bohemian,  "  Verily, 
this  monk  says  he  is  a  simple  layman ;  he  is  not 
over  simi^le,  asking  as  he  does  for  the  resolution 
of  a  very  deep  question."  Then,  turning  to  the 
monk,  he  said,  "Brother!  you  say  that  you  are 
simple  (simplex),  but  I  consider  that  you  are  double 
(duplex)."  The  monk  denied  that  he  was  double, 
but  the  magister  proved  it  on  the  principles  of 
morals,  because  his  mouth  pretended  simphcity, 
while  his  deeds  showed  subtlety  in  inquiring  into 
so  deep  a  question.  Hus,  however,  gave  his  opinion 
on  the  subject,  and  the  monk  retired  with  thanks  for 
the  good  instruction  that  he  had  received.  When 
he  was  gone,  tne  pope's  armed  attendants  came  up, 
and  asked  Hus  whether  he  knew  who  that  monk  was. 
He  replied  in  the  negative,  and  they  informed  him 
that  it  was  Magister  Didacus,  who  had  the  repute 
of  being  the  subtlest  theologian  in  all  Lombardy. 
"I  wish  I  had  known  it,"  cried  Hus,  who  now  first 
perceived  that  he  had  been  undergoing  a  kind  of 
examination;  "I'd  have  plied  him  (pupugissem) 
differently  with  Scriptures.  I  hope  they  are  all 
like  this  one ;  with  the  help  of  God  and  the  support 
of  Holy  ScrijDture,  I  shall  not  be  much  afraid  of 
them." 

At  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  the  cardinals 
met  again  at  the  pope's  residence,  to  consider  what 
was  to  be  done  with  Hus.  Several  Bohemians, 
both  friends  and  foes  of  Hus,  waited  in  an  ante- 
room to  see  how  the  matter  would  end.  Michael 
de    Causis,     Palecz    and    other   enemies    of    the 


23G  JOHN  HUS. 


prisoner  could  not  restrain  their  joy,  dancing  about 
(saltantes)  and  exclaiming,  "  Ha  !  ha  !  we've  got 
him  now ;  he  won't  go  out  from  us  till  he  pays  the 
last  farthing."  Late  in  the  evening,  the  pope's 
high  steward  came  with  a  request  to  Lord  John  of 
Chlum  to  depart,  and  an  order  for  Hus  to  remain 
in  the  palace.  Chlum,  in  anger  at  Hus  being  thus 
arrested  under  pretext  of  a  conference,  hastened 
to  the  pope,  whom  he  found  still  in  the  assembly, 
and  addressed  him  in  presence  of  the  cardinals  in 
the  following  words  :  "  Holy  father !  this  was  not 
the  promise  made  by  your  holiness  to  me  and  my 
uncle,  Henry  Lacembok.  I  told  and  still  tell  your 
holiness,  that  I  brought  Magister  Hus  under  the 
safe-conduct  of  my  lord  the  King  of  the  Eomans  ; 
and  your  holiness  said,  that  if  Hus  had  killed  your 
own  brother,  he  should  be  safe  here,  and  you  would 
neither  let  or  hinder  him,  nor  allow  him  to  be  let  or 
hindered,  nor  take  any  steps  against  him.  And  lo  ! 
here  he  is  arrested  while  under  protection  of  the 
aforesaid  safe-conduct,  and  one  of  your  especial 
messengers — a  Franciscan — was  at  the  lodging  to 
bring  the  magister.  And  your  holiness  must  know, 
that  I  intend  to  cry  aloud  and  warn  all  who  have 
violated  my  lord's  safe-conducts."  The  pope  re- 
plied, "  My  brethren  " — pointing  to  the  cardinals — 
*'  are  within  hearing,  and  know  that  I  never  ordered 
him  to  be  arrested ;  and  that  Franciscan  is  a  'ribald' 
— he  does  not  belong  to  me."  He  afterwards  took 
Chlum  aside,  and  said  to  him,  "You  know  on  what 
a  footing  my  affairs  are  with  them.    They  delivered 


JOHN   HUS  AT   CONSTANCE.  237 

him  to  me,  and  I  was  obliged  to  receive  him  into 
captivity." 

Matters  thus  remained  as  they  were.  Chlum 
was  obliged  to  retire,  and  Hus  remained  in  custody 
in  the  pope's  palace,  where  Peter  Mladenovitz 
afterwards  brought  him  his  overcoat  or  cloak  and 
money.  At  about  nine  o'clock  he  was  taken  to  the 
house  of  the  precentor  of  Constance,  where  a 
cardinal  was  lodging,  and  there  remained  for 
a  week,  carefully  watched  by  a  force  of  armed  men^ 
On  December  6th,  he  was  removed  thence  and 
transferred  to  the  Dominican  convent  on  the  shore 
of  the  lake  of  Constance,  and  there  thrust  into  a 
dark  and  gloomy  dungeon  in  the  immediate  vicinity 
of  a  sewer. 

This  first  step  being  taken,  Michael  de  Causis 
and  Palecz  eagerly  continued  their  work.  They  at 
once  constructed  a  whole  series  of  articles  of  accu- 
sation against  him,  and  delivered  them  to  the  pope 
with  the  petition,  that  Hus  might  be  tried  upon 
them,  and  that  special  commissioners  might  be 
appointed  for  the  purpose  by  the  pope,  as  well  as 
certain  doctors,  who  should  examine  Hus's  writings. 
Michael  audaciously  repeated  in  these  articles  all 
his  old  falsehoods  respecting  Hus's  heretical  doc- 
trines, and  added  new  ones,  in  particular,  that  Hus 
had  publicly  preached  the  necessity  of  receiving 
the  sacrament  of  the  altar  under  both  kinds.  In 
thus  doing  he  took  a  dishonest  advantage  of  the 
fact,  that  Hus's  followers  at  Prague  had  since  his 
departure,  under  the   leadership   of   Jakaubek  of 


238  JOHN   HUS. 


Stribro  (Jacobellus),  actually  begun  to  administer 
it  in  that  way.  The  wishes  of  Michael  and  Palecz 
were  soon  fulfilled  by  a  resolution  of  the  council 
(December  4th),  appointing  John,  Patriarch  of 
Constantinople,  John,  Bishop  of  Lubeck,  and  Ber- 
nard, Bishop  of  Castell,  judicial  commissioners  in 
the  matter  of  Hus.  Full  powers  were  given  them 
to  inquire  into  the  charges  alleged  against  him,  but 
that  of  passing  a  final  sentence  was  expressly  taken 
out  of  the  sphere  of  then-  commission. 

Meanwhile  John  of  Chlum  had  been  using  the 
utmost  exertions  to  obtain  Hus's  release  from 
prison.  He  publicly  complained  of  the  pope  and 
cardinals  for  having  arrested  Magister  John  Hus, 
when  under  the  protection  of  a  safe-conduct  from 
the  king,  exhibited  the  safe-conduct  to  all  the  prin- 
cipal personages  assembled  at  Constance,  and  also 
to  the  more  notable  citizens  of  the  place,  and  caused 
it  to  be  read  aloud  to  them.  The  Saturday  before 
St.  Thomas,  he  went  alone  and  affixed  to  the  doors 
of  the  cathedral  and  of  all  the  churches  in  Constance 
a  letter  sealed  with  his  own  seal,  arraigning  the 
conduct  of  the  pope  and  cardinals,  and  complaining 
that  the  pope  himself  had  broken  his  pHghted 
word,  by  arresting  and  still  detaining  in  captivity 
Magister  John  Hus,  while  under  the  protection  of 
a  royal  safe-conduct.  He  also  sent  word  of  the 
violation  of  the  safe-conduct  to  King  Sigismund, 
who  immediately  dispatched  a  special  embassy  to 
Constance  to  demand  the  liberation  of  Hus,  and 
even  went  so  far  as  to  threaten  to  break  open  the 


JOHN   HUS  AT   CONSTANCE.  239 

doors  of  his  prison  by  force,  if  his  demand  were  not 
complied  with.  But  the  pope  and  council  paid  no 
regard  whatever  either  to  his  requests  or  to  his 
threats,  in  the  execution  of  which  they  did  not 
believe. 

At  length  on  Christmas  day,  about  midnight, 
King  Sigismund  with  his  queen,  Barbara  of  Cilly, 
with  numerous  princes  and  princesses,  and  with 
a  splendid  retinue  of  about  a  thousand  horsemen, 
made  his  grand  entry  into  Constance  by  torchlight 
in  extremely  severe  and  wintry  weather.  Scarcely 
allowing  the  queen  and  princesses  time  to  warm 
themselves  and  change  their  travelling  clothes,  he 
betook  himself  before  break  of  day  in  solemn  pro- 
cession by  torchlight  to  the  brilliantly  lighted 
cathedral,  where  the  pope  awaited  him,  and  imme- 
diately on  his  arrival  proceeded  to  celebrate  high 
mass  with  unusual  splendour  and  magnificence. 
According  to  ancient  custom  the  King  of  the  Eomans 
ministered  at  the  altar  vested  as  a  deacon  and 
chanted  with  a  loud  voice  the  gospel :  *'  Then  went 
forth  a  decree  from  Caesar,  etc."  Mass  over,  the 
pope  delivered  to  him  the  consecrated  sword,  bidding 
him  to  use  it  for  the  defence  of  the  Chm'ch,  which 
Sigismund  joyfully  promised  to  do. 

The  first  business  however  transacted  by  Sigis- 
mund with  the  fathers  assembled  for  the  council 
was  not  of  a  very  pleasant  or  tranquillizing  charac- 
ter, touching  as  it  did  the  imprisonment  of  Hus. 
The  king  undoubtedly  felt  deeply  the  insult  offered 
to  his  dignity  in  the  violation  of  his  letter  patent 


240  JOHN    HUS. 


of  safe-conduct,  which  he  had  also  good  reason  to 
fear  would  cause  great  displeasure  and  discontent 
in  the  empire,  and  especially  in  the  lands  appertain- 
ing to  the  crown  of  Bohemia.  But  as  the  pope 
cast  the  onus  of  this  off  his  own  shoulders  before 
the  king,  as  he  had  done  previously  before  Chlum, 
Sigismund  soon  perceived  that  he  had  to  do  not 
so  much  with  the  pope,  as  with  the  whole  body  of 
assembled  cardinals,  prelates  and  doctors.  The 
last  meetings  and  conferences  held  in  1414  were 
principally  occuj)ied  with  this  question,  and  when 
the  fathers  set  up  their  right  of  dealing  with  a 
person  accused  of  heresy  according  to  the  laws 
of  the  Church  against  Ids  right  of  affording  pro- 
tection to  a  subject,  Sigismund  several  times  quitted 
the  assembly  with  quick  steps  and  in  violent 
anger.  Matters  even  went  so  far  that  he  contem- 
plated or  pretended  to  contemplate  abandoning  the 
council  entirely  and  troubling  himself  no  further 
about  it ;  nay,  in  order  to  prove  the  honesty  of  his 
purpose,  he  even  quitted  Constance  not  long  after 
his  arrival  sometime  about  the  end  of  December. 
A  deputation  sent  after  him  informed  him,  that  the 
council  would  disperse  at  once,  if  he  impeded  its 
legitimate  action.  Sigismund  was  not  inclined  to 
take  upon  himself  the  responsibility  of  such  a  reso- 
lution. What  was  Hus  to  him,  that  the  hopes 
entertained  by  all  Christendom  of  the  reunion  and 
reform  of  the  Church  should  be  brought  to  nothing  ? 
The  higher  significance  of  Hus  and  his  work  was 
a  secret  to  him ;  he  comforted  his  conscience  by 


JOHN   ntJS  AT  CONSTANCE,  241 


the  authority  of  the  Church,  which  was  now  assem- 
bled in  larger  nurobers  than  ever  before ;  and  tho 
Church  taught  him  and  afterwards  certified  him  by 
a  formal  document,  that,  whereas  by  law  Divine 
and  human  no  promise  made  to  the  detriment  of 
the  Catholic  faith  was  binding,  so  neither  was  he 
bound  to  keep  a  promise  made  to  a  heretic.  He 
therefore  eventually  allowed  his  anger  to  be  ap- 
peased, and  no  longer  offered  any  impediment  to 
the  proceedings  against  Hus  taking  their  course. 

So  cruel  was  Hus's  imprisonment  and  so  foul 
the  atmosphere  of  his  dungeon,  that  his  health 
could  not  but  suffer.  After  some  weeks  he  was 
attacked  by  so  severe  a  fever,  that  his  life  was 
despaired  of,  and  the  pope  found  himself  compelled 
not  only  to  send  his  own  physician  to  attend  him, 
but  also  to  cause  him  to  be  removed  into  a  more 
wholesome  chamber  near  the  refectory  in  the  same 
convent.  And  as  the  forms  of  law,  which  were 
scrupulously  observed  by  the  commissioners  in 
their  conduct  of  the  case,  required  all  witnesses  to 
take  their  oaths  in  the  sight  of  the  prisoner,  fifteen 
of  them  were  brought  at  once  in  front  of  the  prison, 
while  Hus  was  lying  in  one  of  his  most  violent 
paroxysms  of  pain,  and  took  their  oaths  one  after 
the  other  before  his  eyes.  Some  of  these,  as 
Palecz,  were  eager  enough  for  Hus's  destruction, 
but  others  w^ere  dragged  forward  to  give  evidence 
against  their  will.  One  of  these,  a  layman,  actually 
said  in  Bohemian  before  his  name  was  called, 
"1  swear  to  God,  that  I  know  nothing  to  testify." 

R 


242  JOHN   HUS. 


Michael  de  Causis  said  to  him:  ''Dear  brother! 
thou  knowest  not  what  they  will  ask  thee,  and 
swearest  that  thou  knowest  nothing  to  testify !  I 
would  testify  against  my  own  father,  if  it  were 
aught  against  the  faith."  The  layman  replied  : 
*'  True,  but  I  know  nothing."  In  all  this  nothing 
was  more  deeply  felt  by  Hus  than  his  treatment  by 
his  apostate  friend  Stephen  Palecz,  who  was  so  far 
from  sympathizing  with  him  in  his  sickness,  that 
he  cast  in  his  teeth,  as  he  lay  in  anguish,  that  since 
the  birth  of  Christ  there  was  never  a  greater  heretic 
than  Hus  save  Wycliffe.  No  advocate  or  pro- 
curator was  allowed  Hus  to  assist  him  in  his  defence 
or  in  taking  exception  to  the  witnesses,  many  of 
v/hom  w^ere  his  mortal  enemies.  The  excuse  was, 
that  it  was  illegal  for  any  one  to  defend  a  iDerson 
suspected  of  heresy. 

On  recovering  from  his  severe  illness,  Hus  wrote 
his  first  letter  from  prison  to  the  people  of  Prague, 
dated  January  19th,  and  intended  to  be  read  aloud 
in  the  chapel  Bethlehem,  in  which  he  informed 
them  of  his  sufferings,  and  committed  his  cause  to 
the  will  of  God,  asking  them  for  their  prayers,  that 
he  might  be  enabled  to  persevere  in  the  grace  of  God 
even  until  death.  The  j)ower  of  carrying  on  corre- 
spondence was  procured  for  him  by  his  Bohemian 
friends  at  Constance,  who  gained  over  some  of  his 
attendants  or  guards  to  convey  letters  secretly  to 
and  from  him.  Foremost  among  these  was  John  of 
Chlum,  a  man  both  enlightened  and  firm,  who  never 
let  anything  slip  that  might  conduce  towards  obtain- 


JOHN  HUS  AT   CONSTANCE.  243 

ing  the  release  or  forwarding  the  interests  of  Hus. 
Lords  Wenceslas  of  Duba  and  Henry  Lacembok  like- 
wise remained  at  Constance  with  the  king's  court, 
and  there  were  also  several  other  Bohemian  gentle- 
men of  rank  in  Sigismimd's  service.  Of  the  clergy- 
there  was  Plus's  devoted  friend,  John  of  Eeiustein, 
commonly  called  "  Cardinal"  from  frequent  employ- 
ment on  King  Wenceslas's  affairs  at  the  court  of 
Eome.  He  and  Lord  John  of  Chlum  had  been  very 
early  appointed  deputies  from  the  university  to  the 
council,  although  Stephen  Palecz  also  claimed  the 
title  for  himself,  having  been  perhaps  nominated  as 
such  by  the  Faculty  of  Theology.  John  of  Chlum's 
secretary  was  a  young  B.A.,  Peter  of  Mladenovitz, 
who  compiled  the  memoirs  of  Hus's  residence  and 
captivity  at  Constance,  which,  with  Hus's  corre- 
s^Dondence,  form  the  basis  of  our  knowledge  of  what 
passed  there.  Mladenovitz  wrote  both  a  shorter  and 
alongernarrative,  the  former  of  which  is  given  with 
divers  additions  and  suppressions  in  the  account 
prefixed  to  the  Nuremberg  edition  of  Hus's  works 
(1715) ;  while  the  latter,  which  includes  a  large 
number  of  valuable  documents,  has  been  carefully 
edited  and  published  in  the  "  Documenta "  by 
Palacky. 

The  sympathy  which  Hus's  friends  entertained 
for  him  was  of  no  little-minded  character.  Although 
they  deplored  his  personal  sufferings,  yet  they  set 
a  higher  value  upon  the  cause,  which  they  had 
taken  up  in  concert  with  him  and  under  his 
guidance.     One  of  those  who  held  him  in  highest 


244?  JOHN   HUS. 


honour,  Lord  Henry  Skopek  of  Duba,  sent  a 
message  to  him  by  Chlnm,  saying  bow  rejoiced 
be  was  at  Hus  having  met  with  so  blessed  a  thing 
as  persecution  for  the  truth  ;  and  Cbhim  exhorted 
him  in  bis  letters  not  to  forsake  the  truth  for  any 
terror  on  account  of  this  miserable  life.  Nor  was 
Hus  from  the  first  otherwise  than  prepared  for 
either  a  good  or  an  evil  ending  to  his  undertaking. 
As  soon  as  Hus's  health  began  to  be  re-estab- 
lished, the  judicial  commissioners  proceeded  to 
examine  him  respecting  the  charges  brought  against 
him.  In  particular  they  required  from  him  (1)  a 
written  exposition  of  his  opinions  respecting  the 
notorious  forty-five  articles  extracted  from  the 
writings  of  Wycliffe  and  condemned  as  heretical  in 
the  so-cahed  council  of  Kome ;  (2)  answers  to  the 
fourteen  articles  extracted  by  Palecz  principally 
from  Hus's  work  **  De  Ecclesia,"  and  afterwards  (3) 
to  those  extracted  from  the  same  work  by  Gerson, 
the  chancellor  of  the  University  of  Paris,  who  had 
attained  a  position  of  high  consideration  in  the 
council.  Hus  was  compelled  to  compose  his  re- 
plies and  explanations  from  memory  without  the 
aid  of  books,  yet  when  they  were  compared  with 
the  MS.  written  with  his  own  hand,  it  was  found 
that  they  corresponded  word  for  word.  He  proved 
with  regard  to  the  greater  part  of  the  articles, 
that  Palecz's  extracts  had  been  unfairly  made,  some 
passages  having  been  abbreviated  at  the  beginning, 
others  in  the  middle,  and  others  at  the  end,  while 
others  had  never  existed  in  his  work  at  all ;  and  that 


JOHN    HITS   AT   CONSTANCP:.  245 


for  the  most  part  an  incorrect  sense  had  been  foisted 
upon  them.  If,  however,  he  had  erred  in  aught, 
he  declared  that  he  had  no  intention  of  maintaining 
anything  obstinately,  but  intended  to  abide  by  the 
decision  of  the  council  and  receive  instruction. 

The  commissioners  endeavoured  to  induce  him 
to   submit  to  the   decision  of  twelve  or   thirteen 
magisters  to  be  appointed   by  the  council.     But 
this  he  resolutely  refused  to  do,  declaring  that  he 
was  ready  to  stand  before  the  whole  council  and 
there  and  there  only  to  answer  for  his  belief.     His 
friends  at   Prague,   especially  the  jurist,  John   of 
Jesenitz,  considered  it  an  error  on  his  part  to  have 
given  any  answer  at  all  in  prison,  bat  Hus  himself 
considered  it  impossible  to  avoid  doing  so,  espe- 
cially as  he  was  not  allowed  the  assistance  of  a 
legal  adviser.     But  he  made  a  point  of  placing 
copies  of  his  written  answers  in  the  hands  of  his 
friends,  lest  false  reports  should  hereafter  be  dis- 
seminated   about    them.      He   also  endeavoured, 
through  the  Bohemian  lords  at  Constance,  to  xn-evail 
upon  King  Sigismund  to  obtain  him  a  public  hear- 
ing in  a  full  assembly  of  the  council,  after  which 
he  hoped  by  the  king's  aid  to  be  more  easily  re- 
leased from  imprisonment.     King  Sigismund  was 
also  urged  in  the  same  direction  by  more  powerful 
mtercessors.     The  violation  of  the  safe-conduct  had 
created  a  very  angry  feeling  among  the  Bohemian 
and  Moravian  nobles,  who  considered  it  a  matter 
affecting  their  own  honour.    Seeing  that  Sigismund, 
"the  heir  presumptive  of  the  Bohemian  crown," 


246  JOHN   HUS. 


was  now  utterly  neglecting  the  rectification  of  such 
a  matter,  the  Bohemian  barons,  with  Lord  Lacko 
of  Kravary,  the  Lord  Lieutenant  (Fleitman)  of 
Moravia,  at  their  head,  met  at  Mezeritsch  in  the 
beginning  of  February,  and  thence  sent  him  a 
letter,  requesting  him  to  abide  by  his  safe-con- 
duct, to  effect  the  liberation  of  Hus,  and  to 
procure  Hus  a  free  and  public  hearing  in  the 
council;  otherwise  "many  would  have  cause  to 
dread  his  letters  of  safe-conduct."  Sigismund  saw 
the  danger  of  neglecting  such  utterances,  and 
exerted  himself  with  the  council  to  obtain  a  pro- 
mise, that  Hus  should  be  publicly  heard  before  any 
sentence  was  passed  upon  him. 

Although  Hus,  on  learning  that  some  of  his 
friends  at  Prague  were  anxious  to  follow  him  to 
Constance,  had  earnestly  advised  and  warned  them 
against  running  any  such  risk,  nevertheless  his 
old  and  faithful  adherent,  Magister  Christian  of 
Prachatitz,  ventured  upon  the  journey,  and  Hus's 
friends  at  Constance  actually  obtained  him  access 
to  Hus's  prison  on  some  day  not  later  than  March 
3rd.  This  unexpected  visit  drew  tears  of  joy  from  the 
eyes  of  the  prisoner.  Magister  Christian  did  not, 
however,  altogether  escape  the  danger  which  was 
foreseen  and  dreaded  for  him.  Michael  de  Causis, 
on  hearing  of  his  arrival  at  Constance,  procured  his 
arrest  and  handed  in  thirty  articles  against  him, 
to  which  he  w^as  obhged  to  give  replies  in  writing. 
He  was  afterwards  released,  partly  through  Sigis- 
mund's  intercession,  and  merely  required  to  take 


JOHN   HUS  AT   CONSTANCE.  247 


a  certain  oath  in  presence  of  the  Patriarch  of  Con- 
stantinople. He  was  then  allowed  to  return  to 
Prague,  and  commenced  his  homeward  journey  on 
March  17th  or  18th.  Hus  had  also  reason  to  fear 
that  Magister  John  Cardinal  was  to  be  subjected  to  a 
similar  citation,  and  caused  him  to  be  counselled  to 
keep  as  close  as  possible  to  the  king's  suite.  The 
coming  and  fate  of  Jerome  of  Prague — the  "Whiske- 
randos  (Barhatiis),  who  wouldn't  obey  the  advice  of 
his  friends  " — will  be  related  in  his  own  biography. 
Meanwhile  matters  were]taking  a  turn  at  Prague, 
for  the  explanation  of  which  we  must  recur  to  the 
time  of  Hus's  departure  for  Constance.  Four 
churches  there,  and  four  churches  only,  were  in 
the  hands  of  resolute  adherents  of  Hus,  one  of 
them  being  that  of  the  non-resident  Michael  de 
Causis.  The  ministers  of  these  four  and  their 
subordinates  were  in  evil  odour  with  the  other  in- 
cumbents of  Prague,  who  excited  some  of  their 
parishioners  against  them,  asserting  that  the  sac- 
raments received  at  their  hands  were  invalid,  and 
in  this  way  inducing  the  timid  to  refrain  from  con- 
fessing and  communicating  in  the  four  churches 
thus  denounced.  The  majority  of  the  Prague 
clergy,  also,  as  well  as  the  penitentiaries  of  the 
cathedral,  refused  to  hear  the  confessions  of  lay 
people,  who  attended  the  sermons  of  Hus's  adherents 
at  Bethlehem  or  elsewhere.  This  led  the  clergy 
of  Hus's  party  to  advise  the  people  to  disregard 
the  previously  existing  rule,  by  which  confessions 
were  made  and  heard  in  each  man's  parish  church, 


248  JOHN   HUS. 


and  nowhere  else.  Then,  as  more  and  more  pressure 
was  put  upon  the  peo^Dle  by  the  clergy  hostile  to 
Hus,  especially  in  matters  reserved  either  to  the 
archbishop  or  to  the  pope,  the  priests  of  Hus's  party 
proceeded  to  transgress  the  regulation  by  which 
such  matters  w^ere  governed,  and  gave  absolution 
in  cases  of  this  hind  by  mere  virtue  of  their  sacer- 
dotal power.  In  this  Magister  Jakaubek  of  Stribro 
took  the  lead,  following  also  the  example  set  him 
by  Hus  in  the  country  by  visiting  other  churches 
and  performing  Divine  service  in  them.  This  he 
did  sometimes  without  the  consent  and  against  the 
will  of  their  incumbents. 

Not  long  after  Hus's  departure  from  Constance, 
a  far  more  important  innovation  was  originated  by 
Jakaubek,  which  not  only  exhibited  disobedience  to 
authority  in  matters  of  ecclesiastical  discipline,  but 
also  transgressed  the  then  universal  custom  of  re- 
ceiving the  sacrament  of  the  altar  in  one  kind,  and 
in  one  kind  only.  Magister  Jakaubek,  in  pondering 
the  words  of  our  Lord  in  John  vi.  51,  "  Except  ye 
eat  the  Flesh  of  the  Son  of  Man  and  drink  His 
Blood,  ye  have  no  life  in  you,"  elicited  the  mean- 
ing, that  the  sacrament  of  the  Body  and  Blood  of 
Christ  ought  to  be  received,  not  only  by  the  priests, 
but  also  by  the  laity,  in  both  kinds,  viz.,  in  bread 
and  wine.  According  to  the  principle,  that  eccle- 
siastical tradition  ought  not  to  be  in  opposition  to 
Holy  Scripture,  he  concluded  that  the  existing  cus- 
tom of  distributing  the  sacrament  to  the  laity 
under  one  kind  only,  was  contrary  to  the  law  of 


JOHN   HUS  AT  CONSTANCE.  249 

Christ  and  ought  to  be  reformed.  In  the  first  zeal 
of  his  conviction  he  announced  a  pubHc  disputation 
in  the  Carohnum  on  the  subject,  and  expounded  his 
views  in  an  assembly  of  the  doctors,  magisters, 
and  others,  in  such  a  manner,  that  many  adhered 
to  them  at  once  and  began  to  act  accordingly  with- 
out delay.  The  first  of  these  was  the  incumbent  of 
St.  Martin's-in-the-Wall,  Magister  John  of  Hradetz, 
whose  example  was  followed  in  Christian  of  Pra- 
chatitz's  church  of  St.  Michael's,  where  Magister 
Jakaubek  was  in  the  habit  of  preaching,  and  in 
that  of  St.  Adalbert  in  Jirchary.  Thus  far  the 
matter  had  ripened  within  three  or  four  weeks  after 
the  departure  of  Hus.  The  archbishop's  officials 
immediately  issued  orders  prohibiting  the  inno- 
vation, whereupon  Magister  Jakaubek  presented 
himself  uncited  before  Archbishop  Conrad's  vicar 
general,  Canon  Wenceslas  of  Kaurim,  and  requested 
to  be  informed  or  instructed  why  hindrance  should 
be  given  to  the  form  of  reception  which  was  in 
accordance  with  the  gospel.  To  this  he  received 
no  answer,  but  was  shortly  afterwards  excommuni- 
cated without  any  judicial  proceeding.  Jakaubek 
paid  no  regard  to  this  excommunication,  which 
indeed  produced  no  evil  results  for  him  in  the  then 
state  of  feeling  at  Prague.  His  teaching  was  op- 
posed by  Professor  Andrew  of  Brod,  first  in  a 
private  letter,  and  then  in  a  learned  treatise. 
Jakaubek  replied  in  a  treatise,  in  which  he  set  forth 
his  proofs  and  arguments  at  greater  length  than  he 
had  done  in  the  disputation  in  the  Carolinum. 


250  JOHN   HUS. 


This  controversy  soon  caused  a  disruption  in  the 
ranks  of  Hus's  party,  as  not  all  the  clergy  who  had 
adhered  to  him,  were  ready  to  participate  in 
Jakaubek's  innovation,  which  w^as  not  necessarily 
connected  with  Church  reform,  as  hitherto  con- 
templated. Even  one  of  Hus's  representatives  in 
the  chapel  Bethlehem,  the  priest  Havlik,  placed 
himself  in  an  attitude  of  opposition  to  Jakaubek 
and  his  followers,  and,  ere  long,  wavered  in  his 
attachment  to  Hus's  principles  and  Hus's  person. 
Thus,  when  he  read  aloud  in  Bethlehem  Hus's  first 
letter  from  prison  to  the  people  of  Prague,  observing 
that  it  was  written  on  torn  paper,  he  exhibited  it 
with  a  grimace,  exclaiming :  "  Ha  !  Ha !  Hus  is  now 
short  of  paper  !  "  To  set  bounds  to  the  evil  con- 
sequences of  such  discord,  many  desired  to  know 
Hus's  own  sentiments  on  the  subject,  and  he  was 
therefore  requested  by  John  of  Chlum  to  state 
them.  Upon  his  own  principle,  that  the  custom  of 
the  Church  might  not  be  counter  to  the  express 
tenour  of  Holy  Scripture,  it  was  impossible  for 
him  to  oppose  the  innovation,  which  could  scarcely 
have  originated  at  his  own  instigation.  He  there- 
fore wrote  in  his  prison  a  brief  treatise  on  reception 
in  both  kinds,  taking  as  his  basis  the  facts,  that 
such  was  the  teaching  both  of  the  Gospels  and  of 
St.  Paul,  and  that  such  was  also  the  practice  of 
the  primitive  Chm^ch.  In  a  letter  to  Chlum  he 
advised,  that  endeavours  should  be  made  to  procure 
a  bull,  granting  permission  to  those,  who  devoutly 
requested  it,  to  partake  in  both  kinds  under  proper 


JOHN  HUS  AT   CONSTANCE.  251 

safeguards.  His  declaration  respecting  communion 
in  both  kinds  gave  a  great  impulse  to  the  practice, 
so  that  by  the  end  of  the  first  half  of  1415  it  had 
spread  from  Prague  to  many  other  towns,  and  even 
villages,  in  Bohemia,  and  the  majority  of  the 
population  was  already  enlisted  in  its  favour. 

Hus  wrote  several  other  Latin  treatises  in  his 
prison,  at  the  special  instance  of  some  of  his 
warders,  whose  regard  and  good-will  he  seems  to 
have  gained,  all  of  which  appear  in  the  Nuremberg 
edition  of  his  Latin  works.  Among  these  were 
"  Expositions  of  the  Lord's  Prayer  and  Ten  Com- 
mandments," and  treatises  "  On  the  Body  of  Christ," 
"  On  Marriage,"  "  On  Ptepentance,"  "  On  the  Three 
Enemies  of  Man,"  ''  On  Sin  and  its  Generation," 
"  On  the  Love  and  Knowledge  of  God,"  etc. 

The  case  of  Hus  was,  however,  only  one  of  the 
things  with  which  the  attention  of  the  council  was 
engaged,  and  it  was  therefore  temporarily  neg- 
lected, while  other  pressing  matters  were  being 
attended  to.  But  on  March  20th,  1415,  an  event 
occurred,  which  exercised  a  considerable  influence 
upon  the  destiny  of  Hus,  for  the  full  explanation 
and  understanding  whereof  we  must  again  recur 
to  circumstances  of  earlier  date. 

When  Pope  John  XXHL  entered  Constance  in 
solemn  procession  on  October  28th,  1414,  with  nine 
cardinals,  numerous  archbishops  and  bishops,  and 
his  whole  cmda  and  suite,  an  anxious  foreboding 
took  possession  of  his  soul,  as  soon  as  he  descried 
the  city,  in  which  all  his  magnificence  was  to  vanish 


252  JOHN   HUS. 


into  nothing.  In  his  trouble  of  mind  he  wished 
to  recall  all  that  he  had  said  and  done  in  favour  of 
Constance,  and  reassemble  the  council  in  some 
Italian  city.  But  in  vain  ;  the  cardinals  prevented 
any  such  change  of  purpose.  As,  however,  accord- 
ing to  his  view,  the  council  of  Constance  was 
merely  a  continuation  of  that  of  Pisa,  and  its  aim 
and  object  merely,  on  the  one  hand,  the  putting 
an  end  to  the  trinity  of  popes  by  the  deposition  of 
both  his  rivals  ;  and,  on  the  other,  a  reform  of  the 
Church,  which  was  to  be  accomplished  by  the  ex- 
tirpation of  the  heresy  of  Wycliffe  and  Hus,  he 
still  comforted  himself  with  the  hope  of  successfully 
manipulating  the  council  according  to  his  will,  and 
dissolving  it  at  the  earliest  moment.  Still  he  felt 
from  time  to  time  a  heavy  weight  upon  his  heart, 
when  he  perceived  the  stern  and  resolute  deter- 
mination of  many  of  the  fathers.  The  discontent, 
which  began  to  display  itself  before  his  eyes,  gained 
greater  and  greater  strength,  the  more  fathers  and 
influential  members  of  the  Church  arrived  at 
Constance  fiom  distant  regions.  The  view,  con- 
trary to  his  own,  that  the  council  of  Constance 
was  not  to  be  reckoned  a  mere  continuation  of  that 
of  Pisa,  but  was  to  be  considered  a  separate  and 
independent  council,  and  that  it  was  necessary 
that  all  three  popes  should  be  compelled  to  abdicate 
their  dignity,  obtained  daily  more  and  more  re- 
solute adherents,  especially  after  the  arrival  of  the 
highly-reverenced  Cardinal  Peter  d'Ailly,  who 
was  looked  upon  as  the  father  of  Church  reform 


JOHN   HITS  AT   CONSTANCE.  253 

in  liis  clay.  In  order  to  obtain  free  course  for  such 
views,  and  the  projects  of  reform  connected  with 
them,  it  was  pro^DOsed  as  early  as  November  12th, 
1414,  that  the  council  should  be  divided  into 
"nations,"  and  that  the  votes  on  all  important 
matters  should  be  taken,  not  by  number  of  indi- 
vidual voices,  but  by  nations.  This  innovation 
was,  after  some  opposition,  accepted  and  established 
as  a  law  on  February  7th,  1415.  The  first  direct 
opposition  to  John  XXIII.  exhibited  itself  on  No- 
vember 19th,  1414,  when  the  question  was  discussed 
whether  the  ambassadors  of  Gregory  XII.  should 
be  allowed  the  title  of  papal  legates  and  access 
to  the  council  as  such.  John  succeeded,  indeed, 
in  quelling  this  attempt  at  opposition,  but,  owing 
to  his  own  conduct,  which  sank  more  and  more 
deeply  into  unworthiness,  kept  approaching  nearer 
and  nearer  to  the  inevitable  abyss.  A  memorial 
was  drawn  up  and  circulated  among  the  members 
of  the  council,  which,  in  fifty-four  accusatory 
articles,  delineated  the  entire  public  and  private 
life  of  this  wicked  man.  To  avoid  the  scandal 
and  danger  of  such  inquiries,  John  XXIII.  declared 
on  February  16th,  his  willingness  to  lay  down  the 
papal  dignity  under  certain  conditions.  The 
wording  of  this  declaration  being  considered  too  in- 
deJEinite  and  equivocal,  he  finally,  after  a  good  deal 
of  negotiation,  agreed,  on  March  1st,  to  another, 
expressed  in  most  definite  and  unequivocal  terms, 
declaring  that,  for  the  sake  of  peace  and  unity  in 
the  Church,  he  would  resign  his  dignity  the  instant 


254  JOHN   HUS. 

that  Gregory  Xll.  and  Benedict  XIII.  should, 
either  by  their  own  good -will  or  by  death,  give 
cause  to  expect,  that  the  long  looked-for  end  of 
the  existing  disunion  was  approaching.  But  he 
soon  gave  people  reason  to  think  that  he  repented 
of  his  promise.  Complaining  of  the  insalubrious 
air  of  Constance,  and  the  danger  he  professed  to 
apprehend  there  for  his  person,  he  requested  that 
the  council  might  be  transferred  to  some  Italian 
city,  and  by  various  i^reparations  brought  himself 
under  suspicion  of  an  intention  to  escape  secretly, 
and  proclaim  the  dissolution  of  the  council.  It 
was,  therefore,  considered  necessary  to  watch  the 
city  gates  most  strictly,  and  King  Sigismund  took 
care  to  warn  him  not  to  do  anything  of  a  hasty 
nature,  if  he  wished  to  avoid  disagreeable  con- 
sequences. He  determined,  however,  to  run  the 
risk,  and  took  as  his  accompHce  Frederic,  Duke  of 
Austria,  whom  he  had  the  year  before  elevated  to 
the  position  of  generalissimo  of  the  Church  of 
Kome.  The  duke  got  up  a  grand  tournament  for 
the  afternoon  of  March  20th,  and  w^hile  public 
attention  was  directed  towards  the  splendid  pre- 
parations that  were  being  made,  the  pope  disguised 
himself  as  a  common  man-at-arms,  escaped  un- 
recognized through  one  of  the  city  gates,  and  by  help 
of  the  duke's  attendants,  arrived  before  the  next 
dawn  at  Bchafi'hausen,  a  town  belonging  to  the  duke. 
The  next  day  looked  upon  a  scene  of  terror  and 
confusion  in  Constance,  and  at  one  time  it  appeared 
as  if  all  was  over  with  the  council.      The  burgo- 


JOHN   HUS  AT   CONSTANCE.  255 

master  called  the  citizens  under  arms,  the  money- 
changers and  merchants  shut  their  shops,  and  no 
one  knew  what  to  do  or  what  was  about  to  happen. 
But  King  Sigismund  sprang  on  horseback,  and  in 
company  with  the  Count  Palatine  and  other  nobles, 
rode  through  the  whole  town  with  sound  of  trum- 
pet, exhorting  every  one  to  be  tranquil,  and  not 
to  lose  heart,  and  promising  aid  and  protection. 
''Let  who  will,"  he  cried,  "follow  the  example  of 
the  fugitives,  ways  and  means  will  be  found  for 
their  return.  The  council  stands  firm  and  will  not 
allow  itself  to  be  broken  up."  He  also  encouraged 
the  assembled  fathers,  by  assuring  them  that  he 
would  protect  them  with  his  life  and  with  all  his 
power.  By  such  energetic  action  he  succeeded  in 
saving  the  council  from  the  evil  consequences  that 
might  have  resulted  from  this  untoward  occurrence, 
and  all  the  harm  that  ensued  fell  upon  the  heads  of 
the  aiders  and  abettors  of  the  pope's  flight.  Duke 
Frederic  was  placed  under  the  ban  of  the  empire, 
lost  part  of  his  dominions  in  the  consequent  war, 
and  found  no  mercy  till  he  bound  himself  to  bring 
the  pope  back.  The  council  also  proceeded  to  take 
action  against  the  pope,  first  suspending  him  from 
his  high  dignity,  and  then  (May  29th)  actually 
declaring  his  deposition. 

The  flight  of  the  pope  caused  an  alteration  in 
Hus's  imprisonment.  John  XXIII.  having  sent 
orders  from  Schaffhausen  to  all  his  attendants, 
who  had  remained  behind  in  Constance,  to  follow 
him,  Hus's  warders  on  Palm  Sunday,  March  24th, 


25G  JOHN  HUS. 


gave  lip  the  keys  of  his  prison  to  the  king  and 
quitted  the  city.  Hus  was  left  with  nothing  to  eat, 
and  wrote  to  some  of  his  friends  begging  them,  "if 
they  loved  the  poor  Goose,"  to  contrive  that  the 
king  should  send  him  guards  from  his  own  suite, 
or  liberate  him  from  prison  that  evening.  But  all 
in  vain.  Sigismund  had  no  longer  the  will  to 
release  Hus,  though  he  still  played  the  hypocrite 
a  little  longer  with  his  friends.  He  consulted  with 
the  fathers  of  the  council,  and  on  that  very  day  gave 
up  the  keys  of  the  prison  in  his  own  name  and  that 
of  the  council  to  the  Bishop  of  Constance,  who 
caused  Hus  to  be  conveyed  in  the  night  time  by 
boat  under  the  escort  of  170  armed  men  to  Gott- 
lieben,  a  castle  of  his  own  on  the  lake.  To  Hus 
the  change  of  prison  was  much  for  the  worse.  He 
was  placed  in  a  room  in  the  upper  part  of  a  tower, 
where  the  atmosphere  indeed  was  salubrious,  but 
his  feet  were  fettered  with  chains,  and  every  night, 
when  he  v/ent  to  bed,  his  hands  were  fastened  to 
the  wall  by  a  chain  attached  to  a  manacle.  Neither 
was  he  sufficiently  supplied  with  food  or  drink,  so 
that  he  soon  began  to  suffer  from  various  ailments, 
especially  from  one  previously  unknown  to  him, 
the  stone. 

Not  long  afterwards  (April  6th) — the  powers  of 
the  x^revious  commission  having  expired  with  the 
flight  of  the  pope — the  council  appointed  four  new 
commissioners,  at  the  head  of  whom  was  Cardinal 
d'Ailly,  with  power  to  add  to  their  number  by 
co-opting  other  prelates  and  doctors,  both  for  the 


JOHN  HUS  AT   CONSTANCE.  257 

conduct  of  the  process  against  Hus,  and  also  for 
the  purpose  of  examinmg  and  reporting  upon  the 
writings  of  Wycliffe.  These  commissioners  held 
several  private  examinations  of  Hus  at  Gottlieben, 
but  no  detailed  accounts  of  them  have  come  down 
to  us.  They  also  reported  unfavourably  with 
regard  to  the  works  of  Wycliffe,  and  on  May  4th 
the  council  formally  confirmed  the  condemnation 
of  the  forty-five  articles  extracted  from  them,  which 
had  been  issued  three  years  previously  by  the  so- 
called  council  of  Eome. 

It  was  but  uatm-al  that  the  Bohemians  and 
Moravians,  inclined  as  the  majority  of  them  were 
to  the  doctrines  of  Hus,  should  be  offended,  should 
complain  of  the  wrongful  imprisonment  of  their 
teacher,  and  should  look  with  displeasure  upon  the 
dishonourable  conduct  of  their  future  king.  Nay, 
sympathy  exhibited  itself  even  in  Poland,  where  the 
Bohemian  reformers  had  many  friends,  especially 
at  the  royal  court.  The  nobiHty  of  Moravia  met 
at  Briinn  on  May  8th,  and  that  of  Bohemia  at 
Prague  on  May  12th,  and  at  these  meetings  ener- 
getic letters  were  addressed  to  King  Sigismund,  as 
heir  presumj)tive  of  the  Bohemian  crovm,  which 
spoke  plainly  and  bitterly  enough  of  the  violation 
of  the  safe  conduct  and  of  his  own  word  by  the 
arrest  and  cruel  imprisonment  of  Hus.  No  request 
was  made  that  Hus  should  not  be  subjected  to  trial, 
or  that  he  should  be  allowed  to  escape  from  the 
law  or  from  his  judges,  but  it  was  requested  that 
he  should  not  be  imprisoned,  or  judged  secretly  in  a 

s 


258  JOHN   HUS. 


corner,  but  should  be  permitted  to  plead  his  cause 
freely  at  a  public  hearing.  Several  copies  of  these 
letters  were  made,  to  which  many  nobles  of  higher 
or  lower  rank,  who  had  been  unable  to  attend  the 
meetings,  afterwards  affixed  their  seals.  A  letter 
was  written  at  the  same  time  from  the  meeting  at 
Prague  to  the  lords  at  the  court  of  Sigismund  at 
Constance,  requesting  them  to  aid  by  their  inter- 
cession towards  obtaining  the  fulfilment  of  the 
wishes  of  the  writers. 

But  before  these  letters  crossed  the  Bohemian 
and  Moravian  frontiers  the  lords  sojourning  at 
Constance  took  up  the  matter  themselves,  and  sent 
in  a  letter  of  plaint  to  the  council,  in  which  they 
complained  of  the  arrest  of  Hus,  which  had  taken 
place  contrary  to  the  safe  conduct,  and  of  his  in- 
human treatment  in  his  grievous  imprisonment, 
and  requested  the  council  to  make  a  righteous 
ending  in  his  case  without  delay.  Several  Polish 
nobles  united  in  this  petition  to  the  council,  which 
was  read  in  presence  of  all  who  had  set  their  signa- 
tures to  it  by  Peter  Mladenovitz  in  the  session  of 
the  council  on  May  13th.  The  chief  of  the  Bohe- 
mian lords  who  signed  it  were  Wenceslas  of  Duba, 
John  of  Chlum,  Henry  Lacembok  and  Puta  of 
Ilburk ;  and  the  principal  Polish  nobles  who  did 
so  were  Hanus  Halissky  and  Zawise  Czerni,  the 
Polish  king's  ambassadors  to  the  council.  And  as 
Bishop  John  of  Litomysl  had  shortly  before  made 
certain  remarks  in  an  assembly  of  the  German 
nation  in  the  council  respecting  the  novel  intro- 


JOHN   HUS  AT   CONSTANCE.  259 


duction  of  the  reception  of  the  sacrament  under 
both  kinds  in  Bohemia,  in  which  he  had  described 
the  irreverence  with  which,  according  to  him,  the 
sacrament  Avas  treated,  the  Bohemian  lords  at  the 
conclusion  of  the  letter  separately  requested  the 
council  not  to  give  credence  to  any  such  slanders, 
which  proceeded  from  enemies  and  defamers  of  the 
realm  of  Bohemia.  The  bishop  replied  first  orally, 
and  then  three  days  afterwards  in  writing,  partly 
denying  the  language  ascribed  to  him,  and  partly 
explaining  that  he  had  not  said  such  things  for 
the  purpose  of  insulting  the  land  of  Bohemia, 
which  was  his  own  fatherland,  but  in  order  that  its 
reputation  might  be  cleared  by  a  stop  being  put 
to  heretical  innovations.  To  this  the  lords  two 
days  afterwards  returned  a  sharp  and  haughty 
answer. 

While  the  Bohemian  and  Polish  lords  were 
waiting  for  an  answer  to  the  petition  which  they 
had  laid  before  the  council,  the  letter  of  the  Mora- 
vian lords  at  their  meeting  at  Briiun  on  behalf  of 
Hus  arrived  at  Constance,  and  gave  them  a  fresh 
impulse  to  persevere  in  their  urgency  towards  the 
council.  They  therefore,  on  May  31st,  addressed 
another  letter  to  the  presidents  of  the  four  nations, 
into  which  the  council  was  divided.  They  re- 
presented that  the  charges  brought  against  Hus 
emanated  entirely  from  his  enemies,  and  that  these 
were  endeavouring,  from  hatred  towards  him,  to 
prepossess  the  leading  members  of  the  council  with 
the  idea  that  it  was  Hus's  intention  to  persist  obsti- 


260  JOHN  HUS. 


nately  in  miscliievoiis  doctrines.  They  appealed 
to  his  frequent  declarations  of  earlier  and  later 
date,  according  to  which  he  was  ready  to  submit 
to  better  instruction  ;  and  they  therefore  requested 
that  Hus  might  be  effectually  questioned  by  learned 
men  in  the  council  as  to  the  meaning  of  passages 
in  his  writings,  which  had  in  their  (the  lords') 
opinion  been  extracted  from  them  in  a  mutilated 
and  garbled  condition.  Moreover,  as  Hus  had  been 
sorely  harassed  by  severe  imprisonment,  and  re- 
quired relaxation  to  acquire  strength  to  give  the 
necessary  explanations,  they  requested  that  he 
might  be  released  from  such  imprisonment  and 
placed  in  the  hands  of  some  bishops  or  other  com- 
missioners of  the  council ;  they  (the  lords)  would 
furnish  sufficient  guarantees  that  he  would  not 
withdraw  himself  by  flight  from  the  power  of  such 
commissioners,  before  the  final  decision  as  to  his 
faith  was  arrived  at.  The  patriarch  of  Antioch 
replied  on  the  same  da}",  in  the  name  of  the  council, 
that  it  could  not  assent  to  the  liberation  of  Hus,  not 
even  if  a  thousand  sureties  were  offered,  but  that  with 
regard  to  the  request  previously  preferred,  to  that 
it  agreed,  and  would  give  Hus  a  public  hearing  on 
the  Wednesday  next  ensuing,  June  8th. 

Nothing  could  have  been  more  courageous, 
straightforward,  honourable,  and  praiseworthy 
than  the  conduct  of  these  Bohemian  and  Moravian 
lords  and  their  Polish  coadjutors.  Like  Hus  him- 
self they  were  in  the  midst  of  enemies,  with  only 
a  false  king  upon  whom  they  could  in  any  wise 


JOHN  HUS  AT   CONSTANCE.  261 

rely.  The  Poles  indeed  were  invested  ■with  the 
sanctity  of  ambassadors,  hut  the  Bohemians  and 
Moravians  had  no  such  support.  No  ambassador 
had  been  sent  by  King  Wenceslas  of  Bohemia  to 
the  council,  in  spite  of  all  entreaties  and  all  re- 
presentations. The  reconciliation  of  the  two  sur- 
viving brothers  of  the  House  of  Luxemburg  had 
been  but  shin  deep.  The  less  energetic  and  more 
honest  of  the  twain  had  soon  found  reason  to  dis- 
trust his  more  energetic  and  less  honest  brother, 
and  had  steadfastly  abstained  from  allowing  him- 
self to  be  represented  at  the  council.  Neither 
were  the  meetings  of  the  lords  in  Bohemia  and 
Moravia  regular  and  formal  meetings  of  the  estates ; 
certain  nobles  were  but  acting  by  themselves  and 
using  their  rights  as  freemen  to  expostulate  with 
the  faithless  heir  presumptive  of  their  crown.  The 
support  received  by  those  sojourning  at  Constance 
was  not  official,  and  not  backed  by  the  power  of 
their  king  and  country,  so  that  the  greater  credit 
is  due  to  them  for  the  steadfast  and  unflinching 
manner  in  which  they  persevered  to  the  utmost 
in  their  energetic  interference  on  behalf  of  their 
isolated  and  cruelly  treated  countryman.  And  the 
result  lives  in  history.  Instead  of  a  secret  in- 
quisition and  secret  murder,  we  have  the  record 
of  a  public  trial  and  a  judicial  homicide,  in  which 
we  are  at  a  loss  to  discover  any  valid  or  reasonable 
grounds  of  condemnation. 


262  JOHN   HITS. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

JOHN   HUS'S   TRIAL. 

First  Day. 

The  5tli  of  Jime  now  arrived,  and  cardinals,  arch- 
bishops, bishops,  and  almost  all  the  ecclesiastical 
dignitaries  sojourning  at  Constance  crowded  into 
the  refectory  of  the  Franciscans  or  Minorites. 
With  them  came  doctors,  magisters,  bachelors  of 
theology,  and  others  of  inferior  standing,  and  the 
hall  was  full.  Orders  ^Yere  given  for  the  evidence 
against  Magister  John  Hus  to  be  read  aloud,  and 
then  for  the  reading  of  the  articles  or  passages 
extracted  in  garbled  form  enough  from  his  own 
works,  some  of  which  were  even  pure  inventions. 
Condemnation  was  to  be  pronounced  over  these 
before  Magister  John  Hus  was  to  be  heard  ;  it  was 
to  be  pronounced  in  the  absence  of  the  prisoner, 
and  then  he  was  to  be  admitted  to — Heaven  knows 
what  manner  of  hearing ! 

Nay,  the  draft  of  his  condemnation  itself  was 
ready.     First,  a  few  verses  of  the  fiftieth  Psalm 


JOHN   HUS'S   TRIAL.  2().3 

were  read,  beginning  with  the  sixteenth  verse  :  "  But 
unto  the  ungodly  said  God  :  Why  dost  thou  preach 
My  laws  and  takest  My  covenant  in  thy  mouth  ? 
Whereas  thou  hatest  to  be  reformed,  and  hast  cast 
My  words  behind  thee.  When  thou  sawest  a  thief 
thou  consentedst  unto  him,  and  hast  been  partaker 
with  the  adulterers.  Thou  hast  let  thy  mouth 
speak  wickedness,  and  with  thy  tongue  thou  hast 
set  forth  deceit.  These  things  hast  thou  done  and 
I  held  my  tongue.  Thou  thoughtest  wickedly  that 
I  am  even  such  a  one  as  thyself;  but  I  will  re- 
prove thee  and  set  before  thee  the  things  that  thou 
hast  done."  After  this  what  professed  to  be  part 
of  a  letter,  which  Hus  had  left  behind  for  his 
friends  on  commencing  his  jom-ney  to  Constance, 
was  read  to  this  effect :  "  If  it  fall  to  my  lot  to  abjure, 
be  assured,  that,  although  I  confess  and  abjure 
with  my  mouth,  yet  with  my  heart  I  shall  not 
consent  thereto."  It  is  needless  to  say,  that  not 
a  word  to  this  effect  is  contained  in  the  actual 
letter,  which  will  be  given  hereafter  in  extenso,  but 
that  the  above  so-called  extract  is  a  vile  and  mali- 
cious invention. 

Meanwhile  a  Bohemian,  of  whom  nothing  else 
is  known,  but  who  is  denoted  in  Mladenovitz's 
narrative  by  the  letter  ''V,"  probably  for  "  Ulric," 
happened  to  be  standing  in  the  outer  ring  close 
to  the  reader,  obtained  a  view  of  the  papers  before 
him,  and  thus  perceived  what  was  m  contemjDla- 
tion.  He  ran  and  told  P.,  i.e.  Peter  Mladenovitz, 
who  ran  and  told  lords  W.  and  Joan,  i.e.  Lords 


264  JOHN   HUS. 


Wenceslas  of  Duba,  and  John  of  Clilum.  They 
went  immediately  to  King  Sigismund,  and  informed 
him  with  grave  and  serious  indignation  of  the 
mockery  of  justice  that  was  being  enacted.  Sigis- 
mund, knowing  the  tone  and  temper  of  the  nobles 
of  the  land,  to  the  crown  of  which  he  was  heir 
presumptive,  dared  not  disregard  such  representa- 
tions, and  at  once  sent  the  "  princes,"  Louis  of 
Heidelberg,  Count  Palatine,  and  Frederic,  Bur- 
grave  of  Nm-emberg,  with  a  message  to  the  council, 
forbidding  its  members  to  condemn  or  settle  any- 
thing at  that  hearing,  and  bidding  them  hear  John 
Hus  himself  patiently,  and  deliver  to  him  (Sigis- 
mund) their  decision  upon  the  different  articles  in 
writing,  and  he  would  entrust  them  to  certain 
doctors  to  be  considered. 

Moreover,  in  order  to  exhibit  the  evil  animus 
and  unfaithfulness  of  those  who  had  extracted  the 
articles  from  Hus's  writings,  the  lords  who  were 
his  friends  determined  to  lay  before  the  council 
copies  of  his  work  "  On  the  Church,"  and  of  his 
treatises  against  Stanislas  of  Znaym  and  Stephen 
Palecz,  written  by  his  own  hand.  These  they 
sent  by  the  king's  princely  messengers,  with  the 
proviso  that  they  were  to  be  returnee!  when  done 
with.  John  Hus  appears  then,  and  not  till  then, 
to  have  been  brought  into  the  council  hall.  The 
Count  Palatine  and  the  Burgrave  delivered  their 
message  from  the  king,  and  also  that  from  the 
Bohemian  lords,  laid  the  copies  of  the  books  before 
the  council,  and  departed.     These  were  given  to 


JOHN   HUS'S   TRIAL.  265 


Hus,  who  took  them,  looked  carefully  over  them, 
raised  them  up  in  his  hands,  and  publicly  acknow- 
ledged them  to  be  his,  stating  in  addition,  that 
if  it  were  shown  that  he  had  set  down  anything 
wrong  or  erroneous  therein,  he  was  and  had  been 
prepared  humbly  to  correct  it. 

The  articles  and  statements  of  the  witnesses  were 
then  read  aloud.  When  the  magister  wanted  to 
reply  thereto,  many  shouted  simultaneously  against 
him.  His  friends  were  unable  to  obtain  entrance 
into  the  hall,  but  heard  him  as  he  answered,  turn- 
ing towards  those  who  were  shouting  and  clamouring 
against  him,  now  on  the  right  hand,  now  on  the  left 
hand,  and  now  behind  his  back.  When  he  wanted 
to  explain  ambiguities  or  different  acceptations  of 
words  in  the  articles  complained  of,  which  the 
extractors  had  frequently  wrested  to  a  sense  which 
they  were  never  intended  to  bear,  a  shout  was 
immediately  raised:  "Drop  your  sophistry,  and 
say  Yes  or  No."  When  he  alleged  the  autliorities 
of  holy  doctors  on  behalf  of  certain  points  in  the 
"  articles,"  many  immediately  shouted,  as  with  one 
voice,  that  the  citations  were  not  to  the  purpose.  At 
length,  seeing  that  it  was  useless  to  answer,  he  held 
his  peace.  Others  immediately  shouted :  "  See ! 
you  are  now  silent !  'Tis  a  token  that  you  agree 
with  those  errors." 

The  authorities  now,  having  the  fear  of  the  king 
and  the  dauntless  Bohemian  lords  before  their 
eyes,  and  perceiving  that  so  disorderly  a  trial 
could,  under  the  circumstances,  lead  to  no  satis- 


2G6  JOHN  HUS. 


factory  result,  closed  tlie  sitting,  and  appointed  a 
further  hearing  for  the  next  day  but  one,  June  7th. 
As  Hus  was  being  led  away  by  the  Bishop  of  Eiga, 
in  whose  charge  he  was,  as  well  as  Jerome,  he 
espied  his  friends,  and,  offering  his  hand  to  them, 
said:  "Don't  be  afraid  of  me."  They  answered : 
"We  are  not."  He  added:  "I  know  it  well,  I 
know  it  well ;  "  and  blessing  the  people  with  his 
hand,  as  he  went  up  the  steps,  he  smiled  and  re- 
joiced, going  away  joyfully  after  the  mockery  with 
which  he  had  been  treated. 

I  add  a  translation  of  a  Latin  letter  written  by 
Hus  immediately  after  this  first  "hearing"  to  his 
friends  sojourning  at  Constance  : 

"  God  Almighty  gave  me  to-day  a  brave  and  stout  heart ;  two 
articles  are  already  struck  out.  I  hope,  by  God's  grace,  that 
more  will  be.  Almost  all  shouted  against  me,  as  the  Jews  did 
against  Jesus,  They  have  not  yet  come  to  the  first  point,  i.e. 
that  I  should  admit,  that  all  the  '  articles  '  stand  written  in  the 
treatises.  You  did  wrong  in  giving  in  the  treatise  'Against  an 
Anonymous  (OccuUus)  Adversary'  along  with  that  'On  the 
Church.'  *  You  should  give  nothing  in  but  the  treatises  against 
Stanislas  and  Palecz.  It  is  well  done,  that  the  princes  required 
my  book  to  be  returned  to  them  ;  for  some  shouted  :  '  Let  it  be 
burnt! '  in  particular  Michael  de  Causis,  whom  I  heard.  I  did 
not  think,  that  in  tlie  whole  number  of  clergy,  I  had  a  single 
friend  save  '  the  father ' "  (of  whom  more  anon)  "  and  a  Polish 
doctor,  whom  I  know.  I  thanked  the  Bishop  of  Litomysl  for 
his  kind  assistance ;  but  he  said  no  more  than :  '  What  have  I 
done  for  you  ?  '    I  am  very  grateful  that  you  have  thus  collected 

*  This  was  a  mistake  on  the  part  of  Hus.  This  treatise  was  not 
laid  before  the  council.  In  a  later  letter  he  expressed  his  satis- 
factinii  that  "  Occultus  had  remained  OccuUus." 


JOHN  HUS'S  TRIAL.  267 


the  articles,  aud  it  is  a  good  thing  to  publish  a  copy  of  them  in 
that  shape,  etc.  The  presidents  said  I  should  have  another 
hearing.  They  refused  to  hear  the  distinction  I  drew  respecting 
the  Church,  Greet  the  faithful  lords  and  friends  of  the  truth, 
and  pray  God  for  me,  for  it  is  needful.  I  think  they  will  not 
admit  on  my  behalf  the  opinion  of  St.  Augustine  respecting  the 
Church,  and  respecting  its  predestined  members  and  the  fore- 
known, and  respecting  evil  dignitaries.  Oh,  if  a  hearing  were 
granted  me  to  answer  their  arguments  wherewith  they  want  to 
impugn  the  articles  that  are  in  the  treatises !  I  think  many 
who  shout  would  hold  their  peace.  As  it  is  willed  in  heaven, 
so  be  it ! " 

It  is  easy  enough  to  explain  the  hostiHty  of  the 
mass  of  the  council  towards  John  Hus,  there  being 
in  reality  but  few  who  were  truly  zealous  for 
Church  reform,  while  the  many  desired  to  uphold 
in  the  main  the  existing  system,  by  which  they 
profited,  introducing  only  modifications  intended 
rather  for  show  than  practical  effect.  But  there 
were  also  men  there,  like  Cardinal  d'AiUy,  who  were 
truly  anxious  for  reform,  and  that  a  reform  of  an 
extensive,  and  in  some  respects  radical,  nature. 
How  was  it  that  they  were  animated  by  an  equally 
bitter  spirit  against  one  who  had  at  heart  the  self- 
isame  ends  and  objects  as  themselves?  I  think 
two  reasons  may  be  given  for  this.  In  the  first 
place  they  espied  great  and  serious  danger  in  a 
reform  originating  from  beneath  and  not  from 
above,  from  the  inferior  clergy  and  not  from  the 
princes  and  dignitaries  of  the  Church.  It  was  an 
aristocratic,  not  a  democratic  reform,  that  they 
wished  to  carry  out,  whereas  the  movement  origi- 


268  JOHN   HUS. 


nated  by  Hus  was  of  a  thoroughly  democratic 
nature,  and  they  feared  that  it  might  cause  the 
leading  strings  to  escape  out  of  their  hands.  In 
the  second  place,  Hus,  in  despair  of  a  reform  com- 
mencing from  above,  had  called  upon  kings,  princes, 
nobles,  and  people,  to  insist  upon  needful  reforms, 
and  even  constrain  them  to  be  enacted  by  external 
pressure.  This  was  an  unpardonable  crime.  The 
spiritual  power  claimed  to  be  the  superior  of  the 
temporal,  and  now  this  daring  cleric  had  called 
upon  the  temporal  power  to  force  the  spiritual  to 
reform  itself,  whether  it  would  or  no.  Thus,  both 
the  better  and  the  worse  members  of  the  council 
were  banded  together  in  an  unholy  alliance  against 
one  poor  priest,  whose  only  fault  was,  that  he  had 
clamoured  over-loudly  for  the  selfsame  ends  and 
objects,  for  which  the  Council  itself  had  been 
convened. 

Second  Day. 

On  the  second  day,  June  7th,  Hus  was  brought 
into  the  Franciscan  refectory,  and  the  hearing 
began  about  an  hour  after  a  total  eclipse  of  the 
sun.  Armed  men  stood  round  to  prevent  the 
escape  of  the  one  poor  priest.  The  "articles" 
were  read  aloud,  respecting  which  witnesses  had 
testified  at  Prague  before  the  vicar  of  the  arch- 
bishop and  again  at  Constance,  and  Hus  made  his 
comments  upon  some  of  them.  While  this  was 
going  on,  the  king  arrived  and  entered  the  council 
hall,  bringing  with  him  Lords  Wenceslas  of  Duba 


JOHN   HUS'S   TRIAL.  269 

and   John  of  Cblum   with  their   secretary,   Peter 
Mladenovitz. 

At  their  arrival  an  "'article"  was  being  read, 
which  charged  Hns  with  preaching  at  various  times 
in  the  chapel  Bethlehem,  and  in  other  places  at 
Prague,  many  errors  and  heresies  out  of  Wycliffe's 
books,  in  particular  that  material  bread  remained 
on  the  altar  after  the  consecration  of  the  host. 
Hus,  calling  God  and  his  conscience  to  witness, 
replied  that  he  had  never  said  or  stated  any  such 
thing.  He  admitted  that  when  the  Archbishop  of 
Prague  had  forbidden  the  employment  of  the  term 
"bread,"  he  had  resisted  the  order,  because  in 
John  vi.  Christ  had  eleven  times  termed  himself 
"the  bread  of  angels,"  "the  bread  that  giveth 
life  to  the  world,"  "  the  bread  that  came  down 
from  heaven."  For  this  reason  he  had  refused 
to  contradict  the  gospel,  but  never  had  he  said 
anything  of  the  kind  respecting  material  bread. 
Cardinal  d'Ailly  then  took  a  paper,  which  he  said 
had  come  into  his  hands  the  evening  before,  and 
asked  Magister  John  Hus  w^hether  he  assumed  the 
separate  existence  of  "  Universals,"  thus,  as  a 
nominalist,  intending  to  entangle  Hus,  a  realist,  in 
a  scholastic  difficulty.  Hus  replied  that  he  did,  as 
St.  Anselm  and  others  had  done  before  him.  The 
cardinal  then  endeavoured  to  prove  the  impossi- 
bility of  a  realist  holding  the  orthodox  view  of 
transubstantiation,  to  which,  however,  Hus  steadily 
adhered.  Two  Englishmen  then  entered  into  the 
discussion  on  the  side  of  the  cardinal;  but,  after 


270  JOHN   HUS. 


the  argument  had  continued  for  some  time,  and  a 
good  deal  of  irrelevant  matter  had  been  introduced 
out  of  the  nominalistic  and  realistic  controversy, 
one  of  them  clinched  the  matter  in  Hus's  favour 
by  saying,  "  Why  are  these  irrelevant  things  intro- 
duced, which  have  nothing  to  do  with  matter  of 
faith  ?  He  thinks  rightly  concerning  the  sacrament 
of  the  altar,  as  he  acknowledges."  John  Stokes 
then  made  a  final  effort  against  Hus  by  saying, 
"When  I  was  at  Prague,  I  saw  a  treatise  ascribed 
to  Hus,  in  which  he  laid  it  down  in  express  terms, 
that  material  bread  remained  in  the  sacrament 
after  consecration."  Hus  replied:  "  Begging  your 
pardon,  it  is  not  true," 

This  was,  apparently,  the  first  and  only  attempt 
to  mingle  scholastic  questions  with  theological 
controversy  in  the  case  of  Hus.  It  is  clear,  there- 
fore, that  the  nominalistic  and  realistic  dispute 
had  little  or  no  influence  on  the  development  of 
the  Hussite  movement,  whatever  may  have  been  its 
effect  upon  the  various  difficulties,  which  the  dispu- 
tatious Jerome  got  into  in  different  universities. 
It  was,  however,  a  mean  and  illnatured  act  on  the 
part  of  Cardinal  d'Ailly  to  take  advantage  of  a  philo- 
sophical dispute  of  the  schools  in  order  to  obtain  the 
conviction  of  an  almost  friendless  prisoner  on  the 
ground  of  heresy,  the  sole  penalty  for  which  w^as 
death.  And  it  is  agreeable  to  find  an  Englishman 
recognizing  the  true  nature  of  the  position,  and 
speaking  boldly  on  the  side  of  justice  and  fair  dealing. 

But  Hus's  danger  in  this  respect  was  not  yet  over. 


JOHN  HUS'S   TRIAL.  271 

Cardinal  Zabarella,  addressing  himself  to  liim, 
said :  ''  Magister  John,  you  know  that  it  is  ^Yritten, 
that  every  word  should  be  established  in  the  mouth 
of  two  or  three  witnesses.  And  lo  !  here  are  full 
twenty  witnesses  against  you,  dignitaries,  doctors, 
and  other  great  and  notable  men,  some  of  whom 
depose  from  hearsay  and  common  report,  and 
others  from  knowledge,  alleging  reasonable  ground 
of  knowledge ;  why,  then,  do  you  persist  in  denial 
against  them  all?"  Hus  replied:  "If  the  Lord 
God  and  my  conscience  are  my  witnesses,  that  I 
have  neither  preached  nor  taught  what  they  depose 
against  me,  nor  hath  it  ever  entered  into  my  heart 
— though  all  my  adversaries  depose  against  me, 
what  can  I  do  ?  Neither  doth  this  eventually  harm 
me."  Cardinal  d'Ailly  then  said :  "  We  cannot 
judge  according  to  your  conscience,  but  according 
to  things  here  proved  and  deduced  against  you, 
and  some  things  confessed  by  you.  Toil  would, 
perhaps,  wish  to  term  all  who  depose  against  you 
from  knowledge,  alleging  reasonable  grounds  of 
knowledge,  your  enemies  and  adversaries;  ive  must 
believe  them.  You  said  that  you  entertained  sus- 
picions of  Magister  Stephen  Palecz,  who  has 
certainly  dealt  religiously  and  very  humanely  with 
those  books  and  articles,  even  extracting  them  in 
a  milder  form  than  they  are  contained  in  the  book ; 
and  similarly  with  all  the  other  doctors.  Nay,  you 
said  that  you  suspected  the  Chancellor  of  Paris 
(Gerson),  who  is  certainly  as  grave  a  doctor  as 
can  be  found  in  all  Christendom." 


272  JOHN   HUS. 


Here  we  may  observe  that  it  is  quite  reasonable 
to  say  that  judges  must  decide  according  to  the 
evidence,  and  not  according  to  the  conscience  of 
the  prisoner.  But  in  this  case,  although  we  hear 
plenty  about  evidence  against  Hus,  we  hear  nothing 
about  evidence  in  his  favour.  In  all  lay  courts  of 
justice  the  prisoner  has  a  right  to  call  witnesses 
to  rebut  the  evidence  for  the  prosecution,  but  in 
this  ecclesiastical  court  the  prisoner  suspected  of 
heresy  was  not  allowed  to  clear  himself  by  evidence 
at  all.  Nothing  could  be  more  iniquitous  than  the 
whole  proceeding,  which  was  a  violation  of  every 
principle  of  honour  and  justice.     But  to  continue. 

It  was  deposed  that  the  said  John  Hus  had  obsti- 
nately preached  and  defended  erroneous  "articles  " 
of  Wycliffe's  in  the  schools  and  in  public  sermons. 
Hus  replied  that  he  had  neither  preached  nor  did 
he  desire  to  follow  either  Wycliffe's  or  any  one's 
erroneous  doctrines,  Wy cliff e  not  being  his  father, 
nor  D  Bohemian.  If  Wycliffe  had  disseminated 
errors,  let  the  English  see  to  it.  And  when  it  was 
charged  that  he  had  resisted  the  condemnation  of 
the  forty-five  "  articles  "  from  Wycliffe's  writings, 
he  replied  that,  whereas  the  doctors  condemned 
the  forty-five  "  articles  "  on  the  ground  that  none 
of  them  were  catholic,  but  every  one  of  them  was 
either  heretical,  erroneous  or  scandalous,  he  had 
not  ventured  to  offend  his  conscience  by  consenting 
to  their  condemnation.  In  particular  with  regard 
to  this :  "  Pope  Silvester  and  Constantino  erred  in 
thus  endowing  the  Church."    As  regards  the  follow- 


JOHN   HUS'S   TRIAL.  273 

iiig: "  If  a  pope  or  priest  be  in  mortal  sin,  lie  doth  not 
make  the  sacrament,  nor  consecrate,  nor  baptize," 
lie  qualified  the  statement  by  saying  that  he  doth 
not  do  such  things  worthily,  but  unworthily,  being 
for  the  time  an  unworthy  minister  of  God's  sacra- 
ments." They  said,  "  It  stands  absolutely  in  your 
book."  He  replied,  "  I  am  willing  to  be  burnt  if 
it  does  not  stand  as  I  have  qualified  it."  They  after- 
wards found  it  standing  in  this  qualified  form  in 
the  beginning  of  Chapter  II.  of  the  treatise  against 
Palecz.  Hus  also  said  that  he  had  not  ventured 
to  consent  to  the  condemnation  of  the  statement 
that:  "Tithes  are  pure  alms."  Cardinal  d'Ailly 
argued  against  him  thus  :  "  For  anj^thing  to  be 
alms,  it  must  be  given  freely  and  independently  of 
obligation  and  debt ;  but  tithes  being  given  from 
obligation  and  debt,  it  follows  that  they  are  not 
alms."  Hus  denied  the  major  proposition  of  the 
Bjdlogism,  saying,  that  in  a  similar  case  the  rich 
were  bound  under  pain  of  eternal  damnation  to  the 
six  works  of  mercy,  to  clothe  the  naked,  to  feed 
the  hungry,  etc.,  yet  their  gifts  were  received  as 
alms  by  the  poor.  The  English  Bishop  of  Salisbury 
said,  "If  all  are  bound  to  the  six  works  of  mercj', 
it  follows  that  the  poor,  not  having  the  means  of 
bestowing  them,  must  be  subject  to  damnation." 
Hus  replied  that  he  had  made  the  statement  with 
the  qualification,  that  those  who  had  the  means  and 
power  of  giving  were  bound  by  the  gospel  to  give 
alms  under  pain  of  damnation.  And  he  was  begin- 
ning to  explain  further  how  it  was  free  to  the  first 

T 


274  JOHN   HUS. 


givers  to  give  tithes  as  alms,  whereas  their  posterity 
inherited  the  obligation  to  pay  them ;  but  he  was 
not  allowed  to  complete  his  explanation.  He  also 
expressly  declared  that  he  had  not  obstinately 
asserted  any  of  the  forty-five  "  articles,"  but  had 
with  others  resisted  their  condemnation,  because 
he  wanted  to  hear  scripture  proofs  or  reasons 
for  it. 

It  was  also  deposed  that  on  a  certain  occasioL 
Hus  had  said,  "  Would  that  my  soul  might  be 
where  that  of  John  Wycliffe  is  !  "  He  replied  that 
it  was  true  that  twelve  years  ago,  before  Wycliffe's 
theological  works  were  brought  into  Bohemia,  when 
he  was  much  pleased  with  his  philosophical  writ- 
ings, and  knew  nothing  about  him  save  his  good 
life,  he  had  said,  "  I  don't  know  where  the  soul  of 
John  Wycliffe  is ;  I  hope  he  is  saved,  and  I  fear 
he  is  damned ;  nevertheless,  in  hope  I  would  wish 
my  soul  to  be  where  the  soul  of  John  Wycliffe  is." 
On  this  they  shook  their  heads  and  derided  him. 

It  was  also  deposed  that  he  had  resisted  the 
condemnation  of  W^'cliffe's  books,  which  were  con- 
demned at  Prague  and  also  in  the  council  at  Eome. 
Hus  replied,  that  being  admonished  amongst  others 
by  the  Archbishop  of  Prague  to  give  Wycliffe's 
books  up  to  him,  he  had  brought  the  book  himself, 
and  delivered  it  to  the  archbishop  with  the  words : 
"  Pievercnd  father,  I  bring  you  my  books,  and  wher- 
ever you  find  any  error  in  them,  order  it  to  be 
noted,  and  I  will  publish  it  as  such  before  the  whole 
community."     "  The  archbishop,"   he    continued, 


JOHN  HUS'S  TRIAL.  275 

"  never  pointed  out  any  such  passages,  but  ordered 
the  books  to  be  burnt,  which  was  not  in  his  instruc- 
tions from  the  apostoHc  see."  From  that  burning 
and  from  the  sentence  and  proceedings  of  the 
archbishop  he  admitted  that  he  had  appealed  to 
Alexander  V.,  and  after  his  death  to  John  XXIII., 
now  called  Balthasar  Cossa.  No  hearing  being 
granted  him  through  his  procurators  within  two 
years,  he  had  finally  appealed  to  Christ. 

When  asked  whether  he  had  received  absolution 
from  Pope  John,  he  answered  that  he  had  not ;  and 
when  further  ashed  whether  it  was  lawful  to  appeal 
to  Christ,  he  replied,  "I  acknowledge  here  iDublicly 
that  there  is  no  more  righteous  and  efficacious 
appeal  than  to  Christ."  This  they  greatly  derided, 
and  he  continued  :  "  "Whereas  to  appeal,  as  the  law 
books  say,  is,  under  a  grievance  from  an  inferior 
judge  to  ask  or  implore  the  aid  of  a  superior  one  : 
who  is  a  more  powerful  and  righteous  judge,  and 
who  can  better  relieve  and  succour  the  aggrieved 
and  oppressed  than  Christ,  who  neither  deceives  nor 
can  be  deceived  ?  " 

It  was  deposed,  that  on  the  next  day  placards 
had  been  posted  up  in  various  places,  x)resumably 
by  his  order  and  inducement,  that  every  one  was 
to  gird  himself  with  his  sword  upon  his  thigh,  and 
not  spare  his  brother  or  his  neighbour.  Hus  re- 
plied that  he  knew  nothing  about  any  such  placards 
or  any  such  thing. 

It  was  also  deposed  that  John  Hus  had  preached 
divers  errors,  whence  scandals  had  arisen  between 


276  JOHN   HUS. 


the  ecclesiastical  dignitaries  and  the  people  of  the 
realm  of  Bohemia  and  the  magisters  and  students 
of  the  University  of  Prague,  ^Yith  disobedience  of  in- 
feriors toward  their  superiors,  and  the  destruction 
of  the  University  of  Prague.  He  replied  that  it  was 
not  owing  to  him,  but  to  the  refusal  of  adherence 
to  the  king  in  the  matter  of  neutrality  between  the 
rival  popes  and  withdrawal  from  the  obedience  of 
Gregory,  that  the  king  had  rightfully  given  the 
Bohemian  nation  three  votes  in  the  university,  and 
that  those  who  had  refused  to  agree  with  the  king 
therein  had  sworn  rather  to  quit  the  University  of 
Prague  than  submit  to  the  change.  Then,  pointing 
to  Albert  Warentrape,  he  said,  "  This  was  one  of 
them;  he  was  then  Dean  of  the  Faculty  of  Arts." 
Warentrape  rose  and  said,  "Eeverend  fathers,  that 
John  Hus  may  not  be  believed  truthful  in  his  narra- 
tions and  statements,  may  it  please  you  to  hear 
me  !  "     But  he  was  not  heard. 

Doctor  Naz  then  rose  and  said,  that  King  Wen- 
ceslas  himself  had  never  been  favourable  to  Hus 
and  his  associates,  but  that  his  favourites  had  done 
it  all,  and  had  lately  maltreated  himself  (Naz), 
while  under  the  protection  of  the  king's  safe-con- 
duct. Palecz  rose  and  said,  that  not  only  foreigners, 
but  also  doctors  of  his  own  nation,  were  in  exile 
owing  to  Hus.  To  this  Hus  replied,  that  this  was 
not  true;  for  he  (Hus)  was  not  at  Prague  when 
they  quitted  it. 

Here  it  would  appear  that  a  scene  of  consider- 
able disorder  took  place,  which  caused  Hus  to  ex- 


JOHN   HUS'S   TRIAL.  277 


claim:  "I  thought  that  in  this  council  there  would 
have  heen  more  reverence.,  piety,  and  good  order." 
All  then  listened  quietly,  because  the  king  had 
commanded  a  hearing  in  silence  to  be  given  him.. 
Cardinal  d'Ailly  then  said:  "  Magister  John!  you 
spoke  lately  in  the  to^Yer  more  patiently  than  you 
are  doing  now.  You  must  know  that  this  is  not  in 
j^our  favour."  Hus  replied  :  "  Eeverend  father  !  it 
was  because  they  then  spoke  with  me  handsomely 
(pulchre),  but  here  almost  all  clamour  at  me ;  I 
suppose,  therefore,  they  are  all  my  enemies." 
The  cardinal  said:  "Who  is  clamouring  ?  When 
you  speak,  they  listen  to  you  in  silence."  Hus 
answered  :  ''  If  they  did  not  clamour,  orders  would 
not  have  been  given  in  the  king's  name  and  also 
in  yours  for  silence  to  be  kept  under  pain  of  ex- 
pulsion from  this  place.  Moreover,  we  are  here 
engaged  in  a  judicial  proceeding ;  others  ought  to 
be  silent,  else  I  cannot  hear  what  you  say." 

It  was  also  deposed,  that  owing  to  Hus's  scanda- 
lous and  erroneous  sermons  at  Prague  a  great 
sedition  had  ensued,  and  catholic  and  God-fearing 
men  had  been  com^Jelled  to  quit  Prague  and  con- 
ceal themselves  outside,  and  various  depredations 
had  been  committed  upon  their  property.  Hus 
replied,  that  it  was  not  owing  to  him,  but  to  non- 
adherence  to  the  king  and  the  university  in  the 
matter  of  neutrality  between  the  popes,  that  Arch- 
bishop Zbynek  had  imposed  an  interdict  for  two 
miles  round  Prague,  had  desi)oiled  the  tomb  of  St. 
Wenceslas  and  had  fled  to  Eaudnitz,  followed  by  the 


278  JOHN   HUS. 


''prelates"  and  other  clergy,  whose  property  had 
been  interfered  with  by  others,  but  not  by  his 
(Hus's)  order  or  inducement. 

After  Dr.  Naz  and  Cardinal  d'Ailly  had  spoken  a 
few  words  on  this  subject,  the  cardinal  addressed 
Hus  as  follows:  ''Magister  John  !  when  you  were 
brought  to  the  palace,  we  questioned  you  as  to  the 
manner  in  which  you  had  come  hither,  and  you 
said,  that  you  had  come  freely;  and  if  you  had 
not  chosen  to  come,  neither  the  King  of  Bohemia 
nor  the  King  of  the  Eomans  could  have  forced 
you  to  do  so."  Hus  rephed :  "  Yes,  I  said  that 
I  had  come  freely,  and  if  I  had  not  chosen  to  come, 
there  are  so  many  and  such  great  lords  in  Bohe- 
mia, who  love  me,  in  whose  castles  I  might  have 
remained  concealed,  that  neither  the  one  king  nor 
the  other  could  have  compelled  me  to  come  hither." 
The  cardinal  shook  his  head,  and  with  an  altered 
expression  of  indignation  on  his  countenance,  ex- 
claimed :  "  What  audacity !  "  When  the  bystanders 
murmured  at  this,  Lord  John  of  Chlum  said  to 
them  :  "Nay,  he  speaks  the  truth,  and  true  it  is. 
I  am  but  a  poor  knight  in  our  realm,  but  I  would 
keep  him  a  year,  will  or  nill  any  one,  so  that  he 
could  not  get  hold  of  him.  And  there  are  many 
great  lords,  who  love  him,  who  have  very  strong 
castles,  who  would  keep  him  as  long  as  they  pleased, 
even  against  both  the  kings." 

The  session  now  closed  for  the  day,  but  before 
Hus  was  led  away.  Cardinal  d'Ailly  said  to  him : 
**  Magister  John  !  you  said  lately  in  the  tower,  that 


JOHN   HUS'S   TRIAL.  279 

you  would  submit  humbly  to  the  judgment  of  the 
council.  I  therefore  advise  you  not  to  involve 
yourself  as  regards  these  errors,  but  submit  to  the 
correction  and  instruction  of  the  council,  and  the 
council  will  deal  mercifully  with  you." 

The  king  then  said :  ''  Listen,  John  Hus  !  Some 
have  said  that  I  did  not  give  you  a  safe-conduct  till 
you  had  been  a  fortnight  in  prison.  I  say  that  this 
is  not  true,  because  I  wish  to  prove  by  the  evidence 
of  the  princes  and  many  others,  that  I  gave  you  a 
safe-conduct  before  you  quitted  Prague,  and  I  also 
commanded  Lords  Wenceslas  and  John  to  bring  you, 
and  make  sure  that  you  should  not  be  attacked 
while  coming  freely  to  Constance,  but  that  a  public 
hearing  should  be  given  you,  that  you  might 
answer  respecting  your  belief.  This  the  authorities 
have  done,  and  have  here  given  you  a  public,  quiet, 
and  honourable  hearing,  and  I  thank  them  for  it, 
although  some  say  that  I  could  not  give  a  safe- 
conduct  to  a  heretic,  or  one  suspected  of  heresy. 
Therefore,  as  this  lord  cardinal  advises  you,  even 
so  do  I  advise  you,  not  to  hold  aught  obstinately, 
but,  in  these  matters  which  have  been  proved 
against  you,  and  which  you  have  admitted,  to 
surrender  yourself  entirely  to  the  grace  of  the 
sacred  council,  and  they  will  show  you  some  favom* 
for  our  sake  and  our  honour,  and  for  the  sake  of 
our  brother  and  the  realm  of  Bohemia ;  and  you 
will  undergo  penance  for  the  same.  But  if  you 
ivill  hold  them  obstinately,  verily  then  they  will 
know  what  to  do  with  you.     I  have  told  them  that 


280  JOHN   HUS. 


I  •will  not  protect  any  heretic ;  nay,  if  one  chose 
to  be  obstinate  in  his  heresy,  I  would  light  the  pile 
myself  unassisted,  and  burn  him.  I  would  advise 
you  to  surrender  yourself  entirely  to  the  mercy  of 
the  council,  and  the  sooner  the  better,  that  you 
may  not  involve  yourself  in  deeper  errors."  Hus 
replied  to  the  first  part  of  the  king's  speech  :  "I 
thank  your  serene  highness  for  the  safe-conduct, 
which  you  graciously  vouchsafed  to  give  me." 
Others  interrupted,  and  the  long-baited  and  wearied 
man  appearing  to  forget  to  make  due  protestation 
as  to  not  intending  to  hold  any  errors  obstinately, 
Chlum  said  to  him :  "  Magister  John !  answer 
the  second  part  of  the  king's  speech."  Hus  said : 
"  Most  serene  prince  !  let  your  serene  highness  be 
assured,  that  I  came  here  freely,  not  to  maintain 
aught  obstinately,  but  to  correct  it  humbly,  when 
shown  wherein  I  have  erred." 

He  was  then  led  back  to  prison  in  charge  of  the 
bishop  of  Eiga. 

We  may  notice  now,  that  no  attempt  was  made 
by  the  council  to  define  any  of  the  matters  in 
question.  Hus  would  have  considered  it  his  duty 
to  submit  to  any  definition  or  decree  of  the  council 
as  regards  what  was  to  be  believed  or  held.  But  he 
was  simply  called  upon  to  retract  what  was  articled 
or  deposed  against  him,  whether  he  had  held  it 
or  not.  He  was  to  be  crushed  morally,  and  thus 
rendered  powerless  and  innocuous  for  the  future, 
or  that  was  to  be  done  with  him  which  was 
eventually  done  with  him.      The  bearing  of  these 


JOHN  IIUS'S  TRIAL,  281 


observations  will  be  more  fully  seen  in  the  account 
of  the  third  hearing,  in  which  questions  relating 
to  the  Church  and  its  constitution  were  taken  into 
consideration. 

Tli'inl  Dau,  Jane  8th. 

We  now  come  to  what  Mladenovitz  designates  as 
"the  last  so-called  licarinrj,  but  rather  jeering^ 
The  king  was  again  present,  with  cardinals,  arch- 
bishops, bishops,  and  other  dignitaries,  as  before ; 
and  Lords  Wenceslas  of  Duba  and  John  of  Chlum, 
with  their  secretary,  Peter  Mladenovitz,  were  also 
present.  Thirty  "  articles  "  were  read  consisting 
of  professed  extracts  from  the  work  "  On  the 
Church,"  seven  from  the  treatise  against  Palecz, 
and  six  from  that  against  Stanislas  of  Znaym. 
Those  which  w^ere  honestly  extracted  Hus  at  once 
acknowledged,  and,  when  others  were  read,  which 
were  not  in  express  terms,  in  forma,  in  his  books, 
an  Englishman,  who  acted  as  reader,  read  the 
corresponding  passages  from  the  copies  in  Hus's 
own  handwriting.  When  anything  displeasing 
was  read  from  the  books.  Cardinal  d'Ailly  turned 
to  the  king  and  others,  saying  :  "  See  !  what  is  here 
written  is  worse,  more  dangerous  and  more  erro- 
neous than  what  hath  been  articled."  Every  now 
and  then  Hus  made  observations  upon  what  was 
read,  which  sometimes  gave  rise  to  conversations 
between  himself  and  the  cardinals,  the  most  inte- 
resting of  which  I  proceed  to  give  in  their  order. 
The  12th  article  was — (1)  "The   papal  dignity 


282  JOHN  HUS. 


originated  with  the  Caesars,"  which  is  not  in  Hus's 
book;  and  (2)  "The  primacy  and  appointment  of 
the  pope  emanated  from  the  power  of  Caesar," 
which  is  in  cha^^ter  xv.  When  this  was  read, 
along  with  corresponding  passages  from  the  "  De 
Ecclesia,"  Hus  rose  and  said:  "This  is  what  I 
affirm,  that  as  regards  external  adornment  and  the 
temporal  goods  bestowed  on  the  Chnrch,  the  papal 
dignity  hath  origin  from  the  Emperor  Constantine, 
which  was  afterwards  confirmed  by  other  emperors, 
as  is  shown  by  the  decree,  dist.  96 ;  but  as  re- 
gards spiritual  administration  and  the  power  of 
ruling  the  Church  spiiitually,  such  dignity  arises 
directly  from  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ."  Cardinal 
d'Ailly  observed  :  "  In  Constantine's  time  a  general 
council  was  assembled,  and  that  decree  was  there 
ascribed  to  Constantine  on  account  of  his  presence 
and  the  reverence  due  to  him — why,  then,  don't 
you  say  that  the  pope's  primacy  emanated  from 
the  council,  rather  than  from  the  power  of 
Cffisar  ?  "  Hus  replied  :  "  On  account  of  the  dota- 
tion, as  I  said,  which  Caesar  made." 

The  15th  article  ran  : — "  The  vicarial  power  of 
the  pope  comes  to  nought,  unless  the  pope  him- 
self be  conformed  to  Christ  or  Peter  in  morals  and 
life;  nor  doth  he  otherwise  receive  procuratorial 
power  from  God,  since  no  other  sequence  more 
pertinently  follows."  When  this  was  read  along 
with  the  corresponding  passage  from  the  book, 
which  gives  a  very  different  impression,  Hus  rose 
and  said :  "  I  understand  it  in  this  way,  that  the 


JOHN  HUS'S  TRIAL,  283 

power  in  such  a  pope  comes  to  nought  (frustratur), 
as  regards  the  merit  or  recompense  which  he  ought 
to,  but  doth  not,  obtain  tlierefrom,  but  not  as 
regards  his  office."  They  asked  him,  "  Where  is 
this  interpretation  (glossa)  in  your  book  ?  "  He 
repHed,  "It  is  in  the  second  chapter  of  the  treatise 
against  Magister  Palecz."  They  looked  at  each 
other  and  smiled.  The  passage  in  the  treatise 
against  Palecz,  which  must  be  specially  noted  by 
my  readers,  runs  as  follows  :  "  We  grant  that  an  evil 
2)ope,  hisliop,  prelate,  or  priest,  is  an  unworthy 
minister  of  the  sacraments,  through  whom  God  bap- 
tizes, consecrates,  or  works  in  other  respects  for  the 
benefit  of  his  Church.'" 

The  17th  article  was  honestly  extracted,  as 
follows  : — "  The  cardinals  are  not  the  manifest 
and  true  successors  of  the  college  of  the  other 
apostles  of  Christ,  unless  they  live  after  the  manner 
of  the  apostles,  keeping  the  commandments  and 
counsels  of  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ."  The  proof 
thereof  was  also  read  from  the  book  :  "  For  if  they 
come  up  otherwise  than  by  the  door  of  the  Lord 
Jesus  Christ,  they  are  thieves  and  robbers,  as  the 
Saviour  himself  declares,  speaking  of  all  such : 
*  All  who  have  come  are  thieves  and  robbers  ' " 
(John  X.). 

Upon  this  being  read,  the  president.  Cardinal 
d'Ailly,  said :  "  See  !  it  stands  worse  and  more 
grievously  in  the  book  than  hath  been  articled." 
Then,  turning  to  Hus,  he  continued :  "  You  have 
not  observed  due   limits    in  your  preaching    and 


284 


JOHN   HUS. 


writings.  But  you  ought  to  have  adapted  your 
discourses  to  the  requirements  of  your  hearers. 
Why  in  preaching  to  the  people  was  it  useful  or 
necessary  to  preach  against  the  cardinals,  none  of 
them  being  present,  whereas  such  things  ought 
rather  to  be  preached  or  said  in  their  presence, 
and  not  scandalously  before  laymen  ?  "  Hus  re- 
plied :  "  Eeverend  father,  it  was  because  priests 
and  other  learned  men  w^ere  ^jresent  at  my 
sermons,  that  I  mooted  such  things,  that  present 
and  future  i^riests  might  be  on  their  guard  against 
them."  The  cardinal  retorted:  "You  do  ill  in 
wishing  by  such  discourses  to  lower  the  status  of 
the  Church." 

Here  it  must  be  admitted  that  the  cardinal  had, 
to  a  certain  extent,  the  better  of  Hus.  If  Hus 
never  exceeded  the  bounds  of  truth  in  his  invec- 
tives, he  certainly  exceeded  those  of  discipline  and 
respect  for  his  superiors.  And  Cardinal  d'Ailly 
would  natm-ally  consider  that  such  a  course  was 
likely  to  excite  revolution  from  below,  which  would 
tend  to  endanger  or  obstruct  the  progress  of  re- 
form from  above,  which,  there  is  no  doubt,  he  really 
had  at  heart.  Still,  very  little  practical  stress  w^as 
placed  during  the  trial  upon  the  subject  of  ecclesi- 
astical discipline  and  subordination;  the  real  venue 
was  laid  in  the  region  of  heresy,  in  which  there 
would  have  been  no  real  difficulty  in  coming  to  an 
understanding  with  Hus,  had  the  council  thought 
fit  to  define  what  was  to  be  held  or  believed  upon 
the   points   in    question.     But   the   authorities   at 


JOHN   HUS  S  TRIAL. 


28: 


Constance  deemed  it  necessary  to  sweep  him  out 
of  their  ^Dath  in  some  way  or  other ;  his  condemna- 
tion as  a  heretic  must  first  be  obtained  and  pro- 
nounced, and  then  they  wouki  see  what  could  be 
done  for  him. 

The  18th  article  ran  : — ''  Over  and  above  eccle- 
siastical censure,  no  heretic  ought  to  be  left  to  a 
secular  tribunal  to  be  punished  with  the  death  of 
the  body."  This  is  a  shameful  concoction,  and 
stands  very  differently  in  Hus's  work.  But  as  it 
professes  to  be  extracted  from  one  of  the  jDassages, 
which  I  have  selected  to  illustrate  the  style  of  his 
Latin  writings,  I  shall  content  myself  with  referring 
the  reader  to  it  in  its  place  (ch.  xi,),  and  proceed 
to  give  Hus's  own  remarks  upon  the  subject  before 
the  council. 

He  said  :  "  I  assert,  that  a  heretic,  who  is  such, 
ought  first  to  be  fairly,  religiously,  humbly  in- 
structed through  the  sacred  Scrii^tures,  and  reasons 
deduced  from  them,  as  was  done  by  St.  Augustine 
and  others  in  their  disputations  with  heretics.  But 
if,  after  such  instruction,  he  will  in  no  wise  desist 
from  his  errors,  I  do  not  say  that  such  a  one  ought 
not  to  be  punished  even  corporally,  but  I  always 
assert,  that  such  instruction  from  the  Scriptures 
ought  to  precede."  This  caused  a  murmur  and 
tumult  in  the  assembly.  Then  a  passage  in  the 
book  was  read,  in  which  he  inveighed  against  those 
who  took  violent  measures  against  heretics,  saying: 
"  Verily  they  are  herein  like  the  Chief  Priests, 
Pharisees,  and  Scribes,  who  said  to  Pilate :   '  It  is 


28G  JOHN   HUS. 


not  lawful  for  us  to  put  any  man  to  death,'  and 
delivered  Jesus  to  him.  And  they  are  proved  to 
be  greater  homicides  than  Pilate  by  the  evidence 
of  Jesus,  who  said :  '  He  who  delivered  Me  to 
thee  hath  the  greater  sin,'  "  A  great  tumult  and 
murmur  then  arose,  and  they  shouted  to  Hus : 
"  Who  are  like  them  ?  Those  w^ho  deliver  a  heretic 
to  the  secular  arm  ?  "  Hus,  w^ith  dauntless  courage, 
replied:  "Those  who  expose  an  innocent  man  to 
death  by  the  secular  arm,  as  did  the  Chief  Priests, 
Scribes,  and  Pharisees  to  Christ,  delivering  him 
to  Pilate."  They  shouted  :  "  No  !  no  !  You  are 
speaking  here  of  doctors."  Finally,  Cardinal  d'Ailly 
said :  "  These  things  arc  much  more  grievous  than 
those  that  are  articled.  Verily  they  have  framed 
their  articles  religiously." 

The  21st  article  ran  :  ''  That  a  person  excom- 
municated by  the  pope,  if  he  appeals  to  Christ, 
neglecting  the  judgment  of  the  pope  or  a  general 
council,  is  preserved,  and  such  excommunication 
doth  not  affect  him." 

This  is  not  in  Hus's  work,  which,  however,  con- 
tains a  justification  of  his  own  conduct  in  appeal- 
ing to  Christ,  when  unable  to  obtain  a  hearing 
from  two  successive  popes,  because  he  considered, 
that  the  further  appeal  from  the  pope  to  a  future 
council  would  be  but  "imploring  a  distant  and 
uncertain  aid  under  a'  grievance."  When  this 
article  had  been  read,  he  said :  "  I  admit  that  I 
appealed  to  Christ,  as  aforesaid,  in  the  final  in- 
stance, when  my  legal  representatives  were  not 


JOHN   HUS'S   TRIAL.  287 

admitted  to  a  hearing  for  two  years  or  more." 
Cardinal  d'Ailly  retorted  :  "  Do  you  want  to  be 
better  than  St.  Paul,  who,  when  aggrieved  at 
Jerusalem,  appealed,  not  to  Christ,  but  to  Caesar  ?  " 
Hus  replied:  "Very  well;  but  if  one  were  to  do 
that  {i.e.  appeal  to  Caesar)  here  for  the  first  time, 
he  would  be  considered  a  heretic.  Moreover,  St. 
Paul  did  not  do  this  of  his  own  inclination,  but  by 
the  will  of  Christ,  who  appeared  to  him  and  said  : 
'  Be  firm,  for  thou  must  go  to  Eome.'  " 

When  he  was  charged  with  of6  elating  and  per- 
forming Divine  service,  while  under  excommunica- 
tion, he  admitted  that  he  had  done  so,  but  under 
appeal.  When  asked  whether  he  had  obtained 
absolution  from  the  pope,  he  acknowledged  that  he 
had  not,  a  matter  of  which  special  notice  was  taken 
by  Cardinal  Zabarella,  who  leant  forward  and 
ordered  his  secretary,  sitting  at  his  feet,  to  make 
a  note  of  it. 

The  22nd  article  ran  correctly  in  Hus's  own 
words:  "If  a  man  is  vicious  and  does  anything, 
he  acts  viciously ;  if  he  is  virtuous  and  does  any- 
thing, he  then  acts  virtuously." 

When  this  and  the  full  passage  in  which  it 
occurs  were  read,  Cardinal  d'Ailly  observed  :  "  Yet 
the  Scripture  saith,  that  '  we  sin  all ; '  and  again, 
*  If  we  say  that  we  have  no  sin,  we  deceive  our- 
selves.' It  must,  therefore,  be  the  case  that  we 
always  act  viciously."  Hus  replied :  "  The 
Scripture  there  speaks  of  venial  sins,  which  do 
not  expel  the  habit  of  virtue,  but  are  compatible 


288  JOHN   HUS. 


with  it."  Magister  William  observed  :  *'But  those 
Bins  are  not  compatible  with  a  morally  good 
action."  Hus  cited  a  passage  from  Augustine,  but 
was  shouted  down  with  the  outcry:  "What  has 
this  to  do  with  the  point  ?  " 

The  23rd  article  ran  :  "A  priest  of  Christ,  living 
according  to  His  law,  possessing  knowledge  of 
Scripture  and  capacity  to  edify  the  people,  ought 
to  preach  notwithstanding  a  pretended  excommuni- 
cation ;  "  and  lower  down :  "If  the  pope,  or  other 
superior,  orders  a  priest  so  disposed  not  to  preach, 
he  ought  not  to  obey." 

Upon  this  Hus  observed:  "By  a  pretended  ex- 
communication, I  mean  one  unjust  and  irregular, 
issued  contrary  to  due  course  of  law  and  contrary 
to  God's  commandment.  A  priest  so  disposed  as 
premised  ought  not  on  account  of  it  to  cease  from 
fruitful  preaching,  nor  fear  such  excommunication 
finally  as  regards  damnation."  They  answered, 
by  way  of  objection,  that  "  such  an  excommunica- 
tion is  a  blessing."  Hus  replied :  "  True  ;  and  I 
say,  moreover,  that  an  excommunication,  whereby 
a  man  is  unjustly  excommunicated,  is  a  blessing  in 
the  sight  of  God,  according  to  the  statement  of 
the  prophet :  '  I  will  curse  with  your  blessings,  and 
bless  with  your  cursings.'  And  :  '  They  shall  curse, 
but  thou  shalt  bless.'  "  Cardinal  Zabarella  said  : 
"  There  are,  however,  rules  of  law,  that  even  an 
unjust  excommunication  is  to  be  dreaded."  Hus 
replied :  "  True,  there  being  about  eight  reasons 
why  it  is  to  be  dreaded."     Cardinal  Zabarella  con- 


JOHN   IIUS'S   TRIAL.  289 

tinued :   "  Are   there   not   more  ?  "      Hus   replied  : 
"  It  is  in  the  books  that  there  are  more." 

We  now  come  to  the  seven  articles  extracted 
with  no  great  honesty  from  the  treatise  against 
Stephen  Paleez. 

The  1st  of  these  ran  :  "If  a  pope,  bishop,  or 
dignitary,  be  in  mortal  sin,  he  is  not  then  a  pope, 
bishop,  or  dignitary." 

When  this  article,  with  its  qualification  or  limita- 
tion, already  given  at  length  under  article  15 
of  those  extracted  from  the  "  De  Ecclesia,"  was 
read,  Hus  said:  "Yes!  neither  is  one  who  is  in 
mortal  sin  worthily  a  king  in  the  sight  of  God,  as 
is  evident  from  1  Kings  (1  Sam.)  xv.,  where  the 
Lord  said  by  the  prophet  Samuel  to  Saul,  who 
ought  to  have  slain  Amalek,  and  did  not  do  so  : 
'  Because  thou  hast  rejected  My  Word  in  not  slaying 
Amalek,  I  will  reject  thee  from  being  king.'  " 

Meanwhile  King  Sigismund  had  gone  out  into  a 
balcony,  and  was  conversing  with  the  Count  Pala- 
tine of  the  PJiine  and  the  Burgrave  of  Nuremberg, 
telling  them  that  in  the  whole  of  Christendom 
there  was  not  a  greater  heretic  than  Hus.  As 
soon  as  the  above  statements  were  made  by  Hus 
as  to  a  king  and  as  to  Saul,  the  ecclesiastical  digni- 
taries present  shouted:  "Call  the  king!"  But 
as  the  king  was  out  of  earshot,  the  presidents  called 
to  those  who  were  nearer  him  to  bring  him  in  to 
listen,  for  Hus  was  touching  upon  him.  When 
he  came  in,  they  caused  Hus  to  repeat  what  he 
had  said.     When  he  had  finished,  and  qualified 

u 


290  JOHN  HUS. 


liis  statements,  Sigismmicl  said  :  ' '  Joliu  Hus  !  no 
man  lives  without  fault."  Cardinal  d'Ailly,  who 
never  lost  an  opportunity  of  doing  Hus  an  unfriendly 
turn,  then  said  to  him,  with  the  view  of  irritating 
the  secular  princes  against  him :  "  Was  it  not 
enough  for  you  to  vilify  and  lower  the  spiritual 
estate  by  your  writings  and  doctrines  ?  Do  you 
now  want  to  lower  the  royal  estate,  and  bring  kings 
down^rom  their  position  ?  "  Palecz  then  rose  with 
the  intention  of  proving  that  Saul  was  a  king, 
though  God  had  rejected  him,  and  showed  how 
David  had  forbidden  him  to  be  slain,  not  on  account 
of  the  holiness  of  his  life,  but  on  account  of  that  of 
his  anointing.  And  upon  Hus  citing  Cyprian's 
words :  ''In  vain  doth  he  obtain  the  name  of 
Christian,  who  doth  not  imitate  Christ  in  conduct," 
Palecz  exclaimed :  "  What  fatuity  !  What  is  it  to 
the  purpose  to  allege,  that,  if  a  man  is  not  a  true 
Christian,  he  is  therefore  not  a  true  pope,  bishop, 
or  king  ?  The  learned  know,  that  '  pope,'  '  bishop,' 
''  king,'  are  names  of  office,  but  '  Christian  '  is  the 
name  of  a  meritorious  thing ;  and  thus  it  is  incon- 
trovertible, that  a  man  is  a  true  pope,  bishop,  or 
king,  though  he  be  not  a  true  Christian."  After  a 
few  words  Hus  said:  "Nay,  this  was  made  clear 
in  the  case  of  Poj^e  John  XXIH.,  now  called  Bal- 
thasar  Cossa  ;  if  he  were  a  true  pope,  why  was  he 
deposed  ?  "  King  Sigismuud  closed  the  discussion 
by  observing,  that  the  lords  of  the  council  had 
decided,  that  Balthasar  was  a  true  pope,  but  on 
account  of  his  notorious  misdemeanours,  whereby 


JOHN   HUS'S   TRIAL.  291 

he  had  scandalized  the  Church  and  wasted  its 
goods,  he  was  deposed  from  the  papacy. 

Here  we  cannot  but  remark,  that  Hus  had  clearly 
the  worst  of  this  encounter,  and  that  it  was  his  own 
over-subtilizing  that  brought  him  into  the  diffi- 
culty. Still,  with  the  qualification  already  cited 
from  the  treatise  against  Palecz,  his  doctrine  was 
perfectly  innocuous,  and  might  safely  have  been 
left  to  fall  into  oblivion  with  other  subtleties  and 
0  ver-refin  ement  s . 

The  4th  article  ran:  "An  evil  or  'foreknown' 
{priBsciUis)  pope  or  dignitary  is  not  truly,  but 
equivocally  "  {i.e.  only  in  one  sense  of  the  term) 
"  a  shepherd ;  but  is  truly  a  thief  and  a  robber." 

Hus  observed  :  "I  have  thus  qualified,  and  do 
thus  qualifjs  all  such  statements,  by  conceding  that 
such  persons,  as  regards  merit,  and  thus  truly  and 
worthily  before  God,  are  not  proper  dignitaries  or 
shepherds  ;  but,  as  regards  their  offices  and  the 
repute  of  men,  are  popes,  shepherds,  priests,  etc." 

A  black-capped  monk  from  Fllrstadt  immediately 
rose  behind  Hus  and  said  :  "  My  lords  !  take  heed 
lest  Hus  deceive  both  himself  and  you  by  those 
glosses,  as  if  they  were  in  his  book.  Lately,  at  a 
hearing,  I  replied  to  him  respecting  the  articles, 
and  said  :  '  Magister !  perhaps  those  evil  popes, 
etc.,  are  not  such  as  regards  merit,  but  as  re- 
gards their  offices  are  truly  such.'  He  is  now 
making  use  of  the  glosses,  which  he  obtained  and 
heard  from  me,  not  that  they  are  anywhere  to  be 
found  in  his  books."     Magister  John  turned  to 


292  JOHN   HUS. 


liim  and  said  :  "  Didn't  you  hear  that  they  are  in 
my  book,  and  have  just  been  read  here  ?  "  Then, 
after  some  further  remarks,  he  added  :  "  This  has 
been  made  clear  in  the  case  of  John,  formerly  Pope 
John  XXIII.,  now  called  Balthasar,  whether  he 
was  a  true  pope,  or  truly  a  thief  and  a  robber." 
They  looked  at  each  other,  and  mocked  him, 
saying :  "  Nay,  he  was  a  true  pope." 

When  the  6th  article  was  read,  Hus  observed: 
"  This  is  what  I  mean,  that  if  a  pope,  or  other 
dignitary,  lives  contrary  to  Christ  in  the  vices 
aforesaid,  he  enters  otherwise,  even  if  humanly 
elected  to  such  office,  since  he  does  not  enter  into 
the  fold  of  the  Church  by  the  lowly  door,  which  is 
Jesus  Christ.  This  was  manifest  respecting  Judas, 
who,  though  chosen  by  Christ  to  his  apostleship, 
nevertheless  did  not  enter  by  Christ,  being  a  thief, 
a  covetous  person,  and  a  son  of  perdition."  Palecz 
rose  and  said  :  "  "What  fatuity  !  Judas  was  chosen 
by  Christ,  and  yet  entered  otherwise,  and  not  by 
Christ  !  "  Hus  replied  :  "  Nay,  it  is  well  estab- 
lished, that  he  was  chosen  by  Christ,  yet  entered 
otherwise,  being  a  thief,  a  devil,  and  a  son  of  per- 
dition." Palecz  rejoined  :  "  Any  one  may  be  duly 
and  lawfully  elected  pope  or  bishop,  and  after- 
wards live  contrariwise ;  he  does  not,  therefore, 
enter  otherwise."  Hus  explained  his  meaning  at 
length  :  "I  say  further  :  whoso  enters  a  bishopric, 
prelacy,  or  any  benefice  whatsoever  simoniacally, 
not  with  the  intention  of  labouring  in  the  Church 
of  God,  but  rather  with  that  of  living  delicately, 


JOHN   HUS'S   TRIAL,  293 

voluptuously  and  luxuriously,  and  of  indulging 
pride,  every  such  person  enters  otherwise,  since  he 
enters  not  by  the  lowly  door,  which  is  the  Lord 
Jesus  Christ,  and,  by  the  evidence  of  the  Gospel, 
every  such  person  is  a  thief  and  a  robber." 

The  7th  article,  relating  to  the  condemnation  of 
the  forty-five  articles  extracted  from  the  works  of 
Wycliffe,  was  constructed  in  the  usual  manner,  by 
taking  parts  of  different  sentences,  connecting  and 
dovetailing  them  together,  so  as  to  form  a  whole, 
which  could  not  be  accepted  without  protest  by 
the  author  of  the  work  from  which  it  professed  to 
be  taken. 

After  this  had  been  read,  a  passage  was  also 
read  from  the  conclusion  of  the  "  De  Ecclesia,"  in 
which  certain  doctors  were  rebuked  for  incon- 
sistency in  condemning  the  doctrine,  that  ecclesias- 
tical revenues  were  of  an  eleemosynary  nature,  and 
then  petitioning  for  their  restoration  in  their  own 
case,  on  the  ground  of  their  being  of  such  a  nature. 
Thereupon  Cardinal  d'Ailly  said  :  "  Magister  !  you 
stated  that  you  would  not  defend  any  error  of 
Wycliffe's,  and  here  it  is  now  manifest  from 
your  books,  that  you  have  publicly  defended  those 
articles.  Certainly  there  are  many  things  set  down 
here  which  are  scandalous  and  grievous."  Hus 
rejDlied :  "Eeverend  father!  as  I  said  before,  so 
I  say  still,  that  I  will  not  defend  the  errors  of 
Wycliffe  or  any  one  else.  But  because  it  appeared 
to  me  contrary  to  my  conscience  to  consent 
absolutely    to    their    condemnation    without    any 


294<  JOHN   HUS. 


scriptural  ground  against  them,  I  therefore  did 
not  think  it  right  to  consent  to  it,  especially 
because  the  reason  alleged,  which  is  a  copulative 
one,  cannot  be  verified  in  all  its  parts  with  regard 
to  every  one  of  them." 

In  the  six  articles  extracted  from  the  treatise 
against  Stanislas  of  Znaym,  the  principal  discus- 
sion turned  on  the  necessity  or  non-necessity  of 
a  corporeal  head  of  the  Church,  and  of  the  possi- 
bility of  its  being  governed  without  such  head. 

Hus  argued  that  at  that  time  there  was  no  such 
corporeal  head.  Pope  John  XXIII.  having  been 
deposed,  and  it  might  be  ever  so  long  before  there 
was  one;  yet  Christ  did  not  cease  to  govern  His 
Church.  He  argued  further  that  before  the  insti- 
tution of  the  papacy  the  apostles  governed  the 
Church  in  things  necessary  to  salvation,  and 
that  certainly  better  than  it  was  governed  at  the 
time  then  present.  No  reply  appears  to  have  been 
attempted  to  bis  arguments,  which  indeed  were 
very  forcible,  but  Stokes,  the  Englishman,  accused 
him  of  vanity  in  pluming  himself  upon  doctrines 
which  were  really  not  his,  but  Wycliffe's. 

Evidence  and  articles  having  now  been  read,  a 
kind  of  silence  ensued,  and  Cardinal  d'Ailly  said : 
"  Magister  John,  two  ways  lie  before  you,  of  which 
you  must  choose  one  ;  either  to  surrender  yourself 
absolutely  and  entirely  to  the  mercy  and  into  the 
hands  of  the  council,  so  as  to  be  content  with  what- 
ever the  council  shall  determine  with  regard  to 
you — and  the  council,  from  reverence  for  the  King 


JOHN  HUS'S  TRIAL,  295 


of   the    Piomans,    and   his   brother,   the    King    of 
Bohemia,  and  for  your  own  good,  will  deal  religi- 
ously and  humanely  with  you ;    or,  if  you   still 
desire   to  hold   and  defend   some   of  the   articles 
aforesaid,  and  wish  for  another  hearing,  it  will  he 
granted  you.     But  you  must  know  that  there  are 
here  such  great  and  enlightened  men,  doctors  and 
magisters,  who  have  such  strong  reasons  against 
your  articles,  that  it  is  to  be  feared  you  will  involve 
yourself  in  greater  error,  if  you  wish  to  defend  and 
hold  them.     I  am  advising ;  I  am  not  speaking  as 
a  judge."  Others  added:  "Certainly,  Magister  John, 
it  is  better  for  you,  as   the  lord  cardinal  says,  to 
surrender  yourself  entirely  to   the  mercy  of  the 
council  and  hold  nothing  obstinately."     Hus  bent 
his  head  and  answered  humbly:  "Most  reverend 
fathers,  I  came  here  freely,  not  to  defend  aught 
obstinately ;  but  if  in  some  points  I  have  stated 
things  incorrectly  or  defectively,  I  wish  to  submit 
to  the  instruction  of  the  council.     But  I  pray,  for 
God's  sake,  that  a  hearing  may  be  granted  me  to 
explain  my  meaning  as  to  the   articles   charged 
against  me,  and  to  cite  the  writings  of  holy  doctors ; 
and  if  my  reasons  and  scriptures  be  not  strong 
enough,  I  wdll  humbly  submit  to  the  instruction 
of  the  council."    A  shout  was  immediately  raised : 
"He  is   speaking  guardedly  and  obstinately;  he 
w^ants  to  submit  to  the  instruction,  and  not  to  the 
correction  and  determination  of  the  council."    Hus 
replied :  "  Nay,  I  will  submit   to  the   instruction, 
correction,  and  decision  of   the  council.      God  is 


296  JOHN   HUS. 


my  witness ;  I  aDi  speaking  sincerely  and  not 
guardedly."  Cardinal  d'Ailly  said  to  him :  "Magister 
John,  whereas  yon  desire  to  surrender  yourself  to 
the  mercy  of  the  council,  you  must  know  that  your 
unanimous  instruction  from  full  sixty  doctors,  some 
of  whom  have  departed,  while  those  from  Paris 
have  just  arrived,  Ly  the  command  and  commission 
of  the  council  is  this : — (1)  That  you  humbly 
aclmowledge  your  error  in  the  articles  which  you 
have  hitherto  held  ;  (2)  That  you  abjure  those 
articles,  and  swear  that  you  will  never  more  hold 
or  preach  them,  or  put  them  forth  as  doctrines ; 
(3)  That  you  publicly  recant  and  retract  those 
articles  ;  and  (4)  That  you  determine,  hold,  and 
preach  the  contrary  to  those  articles,  which,  as  is 
here  proved  against  you,  you  have  held,  written, 
and  preached." 

While  wordy  missiles  were  being  showered  upon 
him  from  all  quarters,  Magister  John  said  :  "Most 
reverend  fathers,  I  am  ready  to  obey  the  council  and 
receive  instruction,  but  I  pray  you,  for  God's  sake, 
not  to  desire  to  place  the  halter  of  damnation  upon 
me,  that  I  may  not  be  compelled  to  abjure  articles, 
respecting  which,  God  and  my  conscience  being 
my  witnesses,  I  know  nothing.  Witnesses  depose 
things  against  me  which  never  entered  into  my 
heart,  especially  as  regards  the  doctrine,  that 
material  bread  remains  in  the  sacrament  of  the 
altar  after  consecration.  Those  which  I  do  know 
about,  and  which  I  have  set  down  in  my  books,  I 
will  humbly  recant,  when  I  have  been  taught  the 


JOHN  HUS'S   TRIAL.  297 

contrary.  But  in  abjuring  all  the  articles  laid  to 
my  charge,  many  of  which  have,  by  God's  permis- 
sion, been  falsely  ascribed  to  me,  I  should  by  lying 
prepare  the  halter  of  damnation  for  myself,  because 
'abjuring,'  as  I  remember  reading  in  the  '  Catho- 
licon,'  is  '  renouncing  an  error  previously  held.' 
But  as  many  articles  have  been  ascribed  to  me 
which  I  have  never  held,  and  which  have  never 
entered  into  my  heart,  it  therefore  appears  to  me 
against  my  conscience  to  abjure  them  and  tell  a 
falsehood."  They  said  :  *'  No  !  no  !  this  is  not 
*  abjuring.'  "  When  he  called  his  conscience  to 
witness,  many  shouted  :  "  Perhaps  your  conscience 
would  never  tell  you  that  you  have  erred  or  were 
erring."  The  king  then  said:  "Listen,  Hus  ! 
why  should  you  refuse  to  abjure  all  the  erroneous 
articles  of  which  you  speak,  because  witnesses  have 
deposed  wrongfully  against  you  ?  I  am  willing  to 
abjure  all  errors ;  yet,  because  I  do  not  wish 
to  hold  any  error,  it  is  not  necessary  that  I  have 
previously  held  one."  Hus  replied:  "Lord  king! 
this  is  not  the  meaning  of  the  word  or  verb,  *'  to 
abjure.'"  Cardinal  Zabarella  said:  "Magister 
John  !  a  sufficiently  qualified  formula  will  be  given 
you  with  the  copies  of  the  articles,  under  which  you 
will  be  required  to  abjure  them ;  and  then  you  will 
consider  what  you  ought  or  are  willing  to  do." 

The  king  then  said :  "  John  Hus  !  two  ways 
lie  before  you  :  either  to  abjure  and  recant  the 
errors  here  condemned,  and  surrender  yourself  to 
the  mercy  of  the  council,  and  the  council  will  in 


298  JOHN  HUS. 


some  measure  l3e  merciful  to  ^'•ou ;  or,  if  you  choose 
to  defend  those  errors,  the  council  and  doctors  have 
their  laws  as  to  what  they  ought  finally  to  do  with 
you."  Hus  replied:  ''Most  serene  prince!  I  do 
not  wish  to  hold  any  error,  but  to  submit  to  the 
determination  of  the  council,  only  not  to  offend 
my  conscience  by  sajdng  that  I  have  held  errors, 
which  I  have  never  held,  and  which  never  entered 
into  my  heart.  I  also  pray  that  a  hearing  may  be 
granted  me,  merely  that  I  may  be  able  to  explain 
my  meaning  in  certain  points  and  articles  charged 
against  me,  especially  respecting  the  pope,  the 
heads  and  members  of  the  Church,  wherein  they 
ec^uivocate  with  me  in  understanding  my  meaning  ; 
because  I  allow  and  assert,  that  popes,  bishops, 
dignitaries,  etc.,  if  they  are  foreknown  and  in 
mortal  sin,  are  not  truly  such  as  regards  their 
merits  nor  worthily  so  for  the  time  before  God, 
but  are  such  as  regards  their  office,  namely  popes, 
bishops,  dignitaries,  etc. ;  since,  as  I  said,  they 
are  unworthy  ministers  of  the  sacraments."  After 
a  good  deal  of  discussion  on  both  sides,  the  king 
said  again  :  "Listen,  Hus  !  As  I  told  you  yester- 
day, so  I  tell  you  to-day ;  I  cannot  repeat  it  to  you ; 
you  are  of  full  age ;  if  j^ou  had  chosen,  you  could 
have  understood  it.  You  now  hear  that  the  lords 
have  laid  two  ways  before  you,  i.e.  either  you  must 
surrender  yom*sclf  in  all  respects  to  the  mercy  of  the 
sacred  council — and  that  the  sooner  the  better — and 
abjure  all  errors,  both  those  written  in  your  books, 
and  also  those  which  you  have  yourself  acknow- 


JOHN   HUS'S  TRIAL.  299 


ledged.  Yon  must  likewise  abjure  those  respecting 
which  sufficient  evidence  has  been  adduced  against 
you  by  persons  whom  we  must  believe,  because  the 
scripture  saith,  that  every  word  is  to  be  estabhshed 
in  the  mouth  of  two  or  three  witnesses.  And  here 
how  many  more  great  men  have  deposed  respecting 
several  articles  !  You  must  also  undergo  penance 
for  those  errors,  as  the  council  shall  dictate  to  you, 
with  a  contrite  heart  and  not  with  a  feigned  re- 
pentance ;  and  you  must  determine  and  write  the 
contrary  to  them,  and  swear  no  more  to  hold  these 
or  other  errors.  Or,  if  joii  choose  obstinately  to 
hold  and  defend  them,  the  council  will  certainly 
proceed  against  you  according  to  its  laws."  An  old 
and  hoary  bishop  from  Poland  said:  "The  laws 
are  clear  in  the  Clementine  constitutions  and  in 
Sextus  respecting  the  manner  in  which  heretics 
ought  to  be  dealt  with." 

Hus  replied  to  the  king  :  ''  Most  serene  prince  ! 
I  said  before,  that  I  came  here  freely,  not  with  the 
intention  of  holding  any  error  or  heresy,  but  wish- 
ing humbly  to  abide  the  instruction  of  the  council." 
A  shout  was  raised  :  "  He  is  obstinate  !  He  wants 
to  abide  the  instruction  of  the  council,  and  has  held 
those  errors  many  years,  and  will  not  submit  to 
the  correction  and  decision  of  the  council  so  as  to 
recant  them."  A  fat  priest,  who  sat  in  a  window 
in  a  costly  robe,  shouted :  "  Let  him  not  be  ad< 
mitted  to  recantation,  becanse,  if  he  does  recant,  he 
will  not  keep  it.  He  sent  a  letter  at  his  departure 
to  his  favourers  and  adherents,  to  whom   it   was 


300  JOHN  HUS. 


publicly  read,  stating,  that,  if  he  were  compelled  to 
recant,  he  intended  to  do  it  with  the  mouth  only 
and  not  with  the  heart.  Don't  therefore  believe 
him  in  any  wise,  for  he  will  not  keep  it !  "  Hus 
answered :  "  Nay,  I  will  humbly  submit  to  the 
instruction,  correction,  and  decision  of  the  council ; 
and  I  made  public  protestation  in  my  treatise 
against  Magister  Stanislas,  that  I  meant  humbly  to 
abide  the  determination  of  Holy  Mother  Church,  as 
every  faithful  Christian  ought !  "  Palecz  then  rose 
and  said  :  "  If  I  were  to  protest  ever  so  much,  that 
I  would  not  slap  Magister  Albert,  who  is  here  sit- 
ting beside  me,  and  did  nevertheless  slap  him, 
what  would  be  the  value  of  my  protestation  ?  So 
you  protest  that  you  do  not  mean  to  hold  or 
defend  any  error,  especially  any  error  of  Wycliffe's." 
Palecz  then  read  from  a  paper  nine  articles  from 
Wycliffe's  writings,  against  five  of  which  Stanislas 
had  preached,  and  he  said  that  he  had  himself  also 
preached  against  them,  but  Hus  and  his  accomplices 
had  obstinately  defended  them  in  the  schools  and  in 
public.  Then  turning  to  Hus  he  said  :  "  You  com- 
posed certain  writings  in  their  defence,  which  are 
here  in  hand,  and  if  you  don't  produce  your  own 
writings,  we  will  produce  them."  Hus  said  :  "  Pro- 
duce them."  The  king  said:  "If  you  have  such 
writings,  it  would  be  good  that  you  should  produce 
them  for  the  council  to  consider.  If  you  do  not 
produce  them,  others  will."  Hus  replied:  "Let 
them  produce  them." 

An  article  was  then  exhibited,  stating  the  manner 


JOHN   HUS'S   TRIAL.  801 

in  which  Hiis  had  "  glossed  "  or  interpreted  a  sen- 
tence of  the  pope's.  He  declared  that  he  had  not 
glossed  it,  neither  had  he  ever  seen  the  gloss  along 
^Yith  the  sentence,  save  in  prison  in  the  Dominican 
convent,  when  it  was  shown  him  by  the  com- 
missioners. They  asked  him  whether  he  knew  who 
had  composed  the  gloss,  and  bade  him  answer  under 
the  oath  which  he  had  taken  to  speak  the  truth. 
He  said :  "  I  do  not  know  for  certain  the  author  of 
the  gloss,  but  I  have  heard  it  was  Magister  Jesenitz." 
They  rejoined  :  "  Yet  in  the  prison  you  confessed, 
that  he  was  the  author  of  the  gloss."  He  answered : 
"I  did  so  only  from  hearsay."  They  asked  him 
whether  he  approved  the  gloss,  and  whether  it  had 
been  satisfactory  to  him  ?  He  replied :  "  How 
could  it  have  been  satisfactory  to  me,  when,  as  I 
said  before,  I  never  saw  it  ? "  They  asked  him 
further:  "Is  it  satisfactory  to  you  now?"  He 
replied:  "No." 

After  all  this  baiting  and  harassing  Hus  was  very 
pale,  and  people  who  knew  the  fact,  said  that  he 
had  spent  the  whole  previous  night  without  sleep, 
tormented  by  toothache  and  headache,  and  was 
already  beginning  to  shake  with  ague. 

An  article  was  then  read  respecting  Hus's  alleged 
conduct  in  the  case  of  the  three  young  men,  who 
were  beheaded  by  the  magistrates  of  the  Old  Town 
of  Prague  for  oj^posing  the  sale  of  indulgences  in 
1412.  He  was  accused  of  having  caused  them  to 
be  carried  to  the  chapel  Bethlehem  and  there  buried 
with  the  chant :  IsH  sunt  sancti ;  of  having  caused 


S02  JOHN  HUS. 


a  mass,  de  martyrihus,  to  be  chanted  over  them  the 
next  mornuag,  and  of  having  afterwards  in  a  sermon 
declared,  that  he  would  not  give  them  up  for  a  lump 
of  silver  as  large  as  one  which  he  pointed  to  in  the 
chapel. 

Hus  replied  that  it  was  true  that  they  were  thus 
beheaded,  but  not  true  that  he  had  caused  them  to 
be  carried  to  their  funeral  with  any  such  chant,  as 
at  that  time  he  was  not  present. 

Dr.  Naz  then  rose  and  gave  a  detailed  account  of 
the  matter,  which  has  already  been  related  at  length 
in  Chapter  VI.  Palecz  rose  and  referred  the  council 
to  a  passage  in  Hus's  "De  Ecclesia"  (cap.  21),  in 
which  he  alluded  to  the  case.     This  runs  : 

"  Practical  experience  explains  tlie  meaning  of  this  text  (Dan. 
xi.  33,  34),  because,  taught  by  the  grace  of  God,  simple  laymen 
and  priests  teach  many  by  the  example  of  a  good  life,  and  rush 
upon  the  sword,  publicly  contradicting  the  lying  word  of  Anti- 
christ. As  is  manifest  with  regard  to  the  lajnnen,  John,  Martin 
and  Stasek,  who  fell  upon  the  sword,  contradicting  the  lying 
disciples  of  Antichrist.  Others  exposed  their  lives  for  the  truth, 
and  were  maltreated,  arrested,  imprisoned  and  slaughtered,  yet 
did  not  deny  the  truth  of  Christ,  as  well  priests,  as  laymen,  and 
women.  But  some  who  had  joined  them  withdrew  deceitfullj^; 
for,  daunted  by  the  censures  of  Antichrist  and  by  the  arrests, 
they  turned  into  the  contrary  path." 

When  this  was  read,  the  presiding  cardinals 
looted  at  each  other,  as  if  surprised. 

The  English  then  produced  a  copy  of  a  letter  in 
commendation  of  Wj'cliffo  professing  to  be  fi-om  the 
University  of  Oxford,  which  had  been  brought  to 
Prague,  and  which  they  said  Hus  had  publicly  read 


JOHN  HUS'S   TEIAL.  303 

in  a  sermon,  exliibiting  the  seal  of  the  university. 
This  Hiis  admitted,  the  letter  having  been  brought 
to  Prague  by  two  students,  sealed  with  the  seal  of 
the  University  of  Oxford.*  The  English  demanded 
the  names  of  the  students,  the  letter  being  a  forgery. 
Hus  pointed  to  Palecz  and  said:  ''Yon  friend  of 
mine  knows  the  late  Nicholas  Faulfisch,  who 
brought  the  letter  with  another  student,  who  is  un- 
known to  me."  The  English  inquired  where  he 
was,  and  Hus  replied  that  he  believed  him  to 
have  died  somewhere  between  Spain  and  England. 
Palecz  then  said  :  "  That  Faulfisch  was  not  an 
Englishman,  but  a  Bohemian.  He  brought  a  piece 
of  stone  from  Wycliffe's  tomb,  which  w^as  after- 
vrards  venerated  and  kept  as  a  relic  at  Prague. 
And  to  all  this  Hus  was  privy." 

The  English  then  caused  a  letter  of  very  different 
tenour  with  the  seal  of  the  Chancellor  of  the 
University  of  Oxford  to  be  read,  in  which  the 
university  requested  the  condemnation  of  260 
articles  extracted  from  Wycliffe's  writings  by  twelve 
grave  doctors  and  great  theologians. 

Silence  now  i)i"evailing,  Palecz  rose  and  said : 
"Most  serene  prince,  and  most  reverend  fathers! 
I  call  both  you  and  God  to  witness,  that  in  my  pro- 
ceedings against  Hus  I  have  not  acted  from  any 
jealousy  or  personal  hatred,  but  only  to  fulfil  my 

*  Wood,  iu  his  "  History  and  Autiquities  of  Oxford,"  ascribes 
lliis  misuse  of  the  university  seal  to  a  certain  "  Petrus  Paganus" 
or  "Payne."  A  person  of  that  name  became  M.A.  of  Prague  in 
1417,  and  afterwards  played  an  important  part  in  Boliemian  history. 


304  JOHN   HUS. 


oath,  as  a  Doctor  of  Sacred  Theology."  Michael 
de  Causis,  who  sat  in  front  of  Hiis,  rose  and  said : 
"  I  do  the  same."  Hus  replied  to  them  :  "I  stand 
at  the  jndgment-seat  of  God,  who  will  judge  me  and 
you  righteously  according  to  our  deserts."  Car- 
dinal d'Ailly  said,  that  Palecz  and  the  others  had 
dealt  very  religiously  with  the  books  and  the  articles 
extracted  from  them;  for  what  was  in  the  books  was 
far  worse  than  what  they  had  framed  into  articles. 

The  Bishop  of  Riga  then  took  Hus  into  his  charge, 
and  as  he  was  on  his  way  to  prison,  Lord  John  of 
Chlum  greeted  him,  offered  him  his  hand,  and  com- 
forted him.  Hus  felt  deeply  and  gratefully  the 
kindness  of  his  friend,  who  was  neither  ashamed 
nor  afraid  to  offer  him  his  hand  in  public,  after  he 
had  been  rejected,  scorned  and  pronounced  a  heretic 
by  all.  He  afterwards  wrote  a  touching  letter  to 
Chlum  to  that  effect. 

The  session  was  now  over;  but,  before  all  had 
departed,  an  incident  occurred,  which  was  not  much 
noticed  at  the  moment,  but  which  eventually  cost 
Sigismund  the  crown  of  Bohemia.  The  armed 
men,  who  were  on  guard,  having  retired,  Lord  John 
of  Chlum,  Lord  Wenceslas  of  Duba,  and  Peter 
Mladenovitz,  went  up  to  the  window  where  the  king 
was.  The  king  apparently  did  not  notice  them, 
but  supposed  them  to  have  departed,  when  Hus  was 
led  to  prison.  The  king  in  their  hearing  addressed 
the  fathers  who  were  still  about  him  as  follows  : 

"  Eeverend  fathers  !  You  Lave  heard  that  out  of  the  many- 
things  which  are  in  his  books,  and  which  he  has  admitted,  and 


JOHN   HUS'S  TRIAL,  305 

which  have  been  sufficiently  proved  against  him,  any  one  would 
have  been  sufficient  for  his  condemnation.  If  therefore  he  will 
not  recant  and  abjure  and  make  statements  contrary  to  those 
errors,  let  him  be  burnt,  or  do  with  him  as  you  best  know 
according  to  your  laws.  And  be  sure,  whatever  promises  he 
makes  you  as  to  a  wish  to  recant  or  as  to  recantation,  not  to 
believe  him ;  nor  would  I  believe  him,  because  he  would  go  to 
Bohemia  and  his  favourers,  and  would  disseminate  more  errors, 
and  the  last  error  would  be  worse  than  the  first.  Therefore 
prohibit  him  from  all  farther  preaching,  and  even  from  going 
any  more  to  his  favourers,  that  he  may  not  disseminate  his 
errors  more.  And  send  the  articles  here  condemned  to  my 
brother  in  the  land  of  Bohemia,  and  alas  !  to  Poland  and  other 
lands,  where  Hus  already  has  many  secret  disciples  and  favourers. 
And  let  the  bishops  and  dignitaries  in  those  lands  punish  all 
who  are  found  holding  them,  that  the  branches  may  be  torn  up 
along  with  the  root.  And  let  the  council  write  to  kings  and 
princes  to  be  more  graciously  disposed  towards  their  prelates, 
who  have  laboured  diligently  in  the  sacred  council  for  the 
extirpation  of  those  heresies.  You  know  too,  that  it  is  written, 
that  in  the  mouth  of  two  or  three  witnesses  every  word  is  to  be 
established  ;  but  here  the  hundredth  part  would  have  been 
sufficient  for  his  condemnation.  Therefore  make  an  end  also 
with  his  other  secret  disciples  and  favourers,  because  I  am  soon 
about  to  depart,  and  especially  with  that,  that " — repeating  the 
word  "  that" — "  fellow,  who  is  detained  here  in  prison."  They 
said:  "Jerome?"  lie  said,  "  Yes,  Jerome."  "We'll  make  a 
finish  with  him  in  less  than  a  day.  It  will  be  an  easier  matter, 
for  the  other  is  the  master  and  that  Jerome  his  scholar."  The 
king  resumed:  "Verily  I  was  still  young  when  that  sect  arose 
and  began  in  Bohemia,  and  see  to  what  magnitude  it  has 
grown  and  multiplied!" 

After  this   conversation  they  all  retired   to  their 
several  abodes  rejoicing. 
Here  it  is  to  be  observed,  that  Sigismund  traced 

X 


306  JOHN   HUS. 


the  movement — whicli,  so  far,  had  culminated  in 
Hus — to  his  precm'sors  Milicz  and  Mathias  of 
Janow,  an  account  of  whom  is  thus  manifestly 
with  propriety  prefixed  to  the  biography  of  Hus. 
It  is  also  to  he  noticed,  that  it  was  not  so  much  the 
fact,  that  Sigismund — after  once  condoning  the 
violation  of  his  safe-conduct — did  not  protect  Hus 
against  condemnation  and  execution  as  a  heretic 
by  the  council,  that  the  Bohemians  took  to  heart, 
as  his  deliberate  faithlessness  in  first  luring  him  to 
Constance  by  promises  of  protection  and  assistance, 
and  then,  instead  of  interceding  for  him,  urging 
the  already  exasperated  fathers  to  his  destruction. 

The  unintentional  hearers  of  the  conversation 
made  no  secret  of  what  they  had  heard,  either  to 
Hus,  who  felt  it  bitterly,  or  to  their  countrymen, 
so  that  what  was  spoken  in  a  corner  in  the  Fran- 
ciscan refectory  soon  became  known  throughout  the 
length  and  breadth  of  Bohemia.  What  trust  could 
henceforward  be  placed  in  such  a  king  ?  How 
would  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the  Bohemians 
fare,  when  such  an  heir  presumptive  came  to  sit 
upon  their  throne  ? 

The  die  was  now  cast  on  the  part  of  the  coun- 
cil, which  had  evidently  acted  throughout  in  a 
thoroughly  hostile  spirit  towards  Hus.  It  was  not 
his  instruction  or  correction,  but  his  condemnation 
that  had  been  aimed  at  from  the  first.  His  con- 
science was  not  to  be  a  factor  in  the  proceedings ; 
the  authority  of  the  council  was  to  be  all  in  all. 
But  from  that  time  forth  the  individual  conscience 


JOHN  hub's  teial.  307 

began  to  be  a  factor  of  serious  import  in  the  con- 
stitution of  society,  and  as  time  went  on,  gained 
greater  and  greater  power.  Hus  may  be  looked 
upon  as  the  protomartyr  of  conscience,  conscience 
in  opposition  to  mere  authority ;  and  ere  long  we 
shall  see  authority  all  but  supplicating  conscience 
to  waive  her  claims  and  yield  the  desired  sub- 
mission. 


308  JOHN  HUS. 


CHAPTER  X. 

JOHN   HUS'S    CONDEMNATION    AND    MABTYRDOM. 

The  champion  of  conscience  was  now  in  bis  cell, 
condemned  by  autbority,  but  tbe  struggle  was  not 
yet  over.  Autbority  did  not  wish  to  bave  blood  on 
her  bands,  if  sbe  could  but  obtain  the  submission  and 
concessions  wbicb  sbe  deemed  needful.  Besides, 
tbe  patb  of  bloodshed  was  not  without  danger,  a 
significant  bint  whereof  had  just  arrived.  After 
tbe  conclusion  of  Hus's  public  bearings,  the  letter 
of  the  Bohemian  lords  to  Sigismund  completed  its 
journey  to  Constance  and  was  read  in  the  session  of 
the  council  on  June  12th.  No  less  than  two  hun- 
dred and  fifty  seals  were  attached  to  it ;  nor  could 
such  a  document  fail  to  cause  some  sensation  in  the 
assembly.  An  attempt  was  made  by  Palecz  to  lessen 
its  effect  by  drawing  attention  to  the  fact  that  King 
Wenceslas  had  not  participated  in  it,  but  the  coun- 
ter-fact also  stood  out  in  sharp  relief,  that  neither 
bad  Wenccslas  sent  an  ambassador  to  tbe  council, 
remaining  indeed  as  far  removed  from  its  proceed- 


JOHN  HUS'S  CONDEMNATION  AND  MARTYRDOM.   309 

ings,  as  Sigismund  had  been  from  those  of  the 
council  of  Pisa.  Still  neither  did  this  letter  of 
the  Bohemian  nobles  to  the  king,  nor  that  of  the 
University  of  Prague  to  the  cardinals,  which  arrived 
along  with  it,  containing  intercessions  for  both 
Hus  and  Jerome,  produce  any  eventual  effect  upon 
the  proceedings,  beyond  perhaps  causing  a  certain 
amount  of  delay  and  increasing  the  solicitude  of 
authority  to  obtain  submission  rather  than  have 
recourse  to  the  secular  arm. 

True,  a  council,  which  had  deprived  three  popes 
of  their  high  position,  and  had  proclaimed  its  power 
superior  to  that  of  any  pope,  could  not  possibly 
accept  the  definition  of  the  Church  given  by  Hus's 
adversaries,  viz.  that  the  Church  was  that  of  which 
the  pope  was  the  head  and  the  cardinals  the  body. 
Nor,  if  it  had  thought  fit  to  issue  an  authoritative 
definition,  is  there  any  reason  to  doubt  that  it  would 
have  been  humbly  and  gratefully  accepted  by 
Hus.  But  then  authority  would  have  had  in  some 
measure  to  descend  from  her  throne,  and  the  sub- 
mission of  the  so-called  heretic  would  not  have  been 
sufficiently  complete ;  the  movement  below  would 
have  exerted  an  unmistakable  influence  upon  the 
decision  arrived  at  above.  Hus  was  ready  to  re- 
ceive instruction  and  to  submit  to  the  decision  of  the 
council,  but  the  council  would  neither  condescend 
to  instruct  him  nor  to  give  its  decision  upon  the 
points  in  question;  it  simply  called  upon  him  to 
submit  to  AUTHORITY  and  abjure  everything,  true  or 
false,  that  had  been  laid  to  his  charge.    Could  con- 


SIO  JOHN    HUS. 


SCIENCE  be  satisfied  -svitli  such  an  ending  ?  Could 
conscience  retract  truths  that  she  had  held  and 
falsehoods  that  she  abhorred  in  the  selfsame  breath? 
Could  such  a  grovelling  in  the  dust  at  the  feet  of 
authority  be  satisfactory  in  the  sight  of  the  Most 
High,  -whom  conscience  had  endeavoured  honestly 
to  serve  ?  Conscience  might  have  been  mistaken  in 
some  things,  and  upon  these  she  would  gladly  have 
received  instruction,  but  in  the  main  she  felt  that 
she  was  in  the  right  and  righteous,  and  that  she 
was  being  dealt  with  falsely,  insincerely,  and  im- 
l^iously.  She  therefore  held  her  own,  and  in  default 
of  either  instruction  for  herself  or  decisions  uni- 
versally binding  for  the  future,  refused  to  abjure 
the  medley  of  garbled  articles  and  false  charges, 
which  she  was  required  to  recant.  The  stake  and 
the  flame  were  better  in  her  eyes  than  the  gnawing 
worm  of  remorse,  which  a  lie,  spoken  deliberately 
in  the  face  of  the  Most  High,  would  have  introduced 
into  her  being,  it  might  be,  for  ever  and  ever. 

Although  in  Hus's  last  public  hearing  the  autho- 
rities had  promised  to  allow  him  a  further  audience 
should  he  desire  it,  yet  this  promise  was  never  ful- 
filled. King  Sigismund  had  also  promised  that  a 
copy  of  the  articles  of  accusation  should  be  given 
him,  in  order  that  he  might  briefly  reply  to  them. 
It  was  very  important  in  Hus's  eyes,  that  written 
evidence  of  his  sentiments  in  these  respects  should 
remain  after  him,  and  ho  wrote  an  earnest  letter 
from  prison  to  Chlum,  begging  that  all  the  Bohe- 
mian lords  in  Constance  would  betake  themselves 


JOHN  HUS'S  CONDEMNATION  AND  MARTYRDOM.   811 

in  a  body  to  the  king  and  council,  and  demand  the 
fulfilment  of  this  promise.  They  did  so,  and  their 
request  was  granted.  The  council  in  its  session 
on  June  18th  determined  to  place  in  Hus's  hands 
a  brief  statement  of  the  articles  against  him,  to 
which  he  wrote  answers  in  the  course  of  the  two 
following  days.  But  this  had  no  effect  upon  the 
subsequent  course  of  proceedings. 

The  council  had  already  caused  the  question  of 
the  reception  of  the  eucharist  by  the  laity  under 
both  kinds  to  be  examined  into  by  a  number  of 
Doctors  of  Theology  and  Law,  and  issued  its  deci- 
sion on  June  15th,  which  was  substantially  this  : 

"  That,  altliougli  the  sacrament  had  originally  been  received 
in  both  kinds,  yet  on  reasonable  grounds  a  custom  had  been 
introduced  of  administering  it  to  the  laity  under  the  form  of 
bread  only,  which  was  sufficient;  that,  therefore,  this  custom  was 
to  be  established  as  a  law,  and  this  law  could  not  be  arbitrarily 
rejected  or  altered  without  the  consent  of  the  Church;  to  do  so 
was  an  error,  and  whoever  persisted  obstinately  in  an  error  was 
a  heretic." 

At  the  same  time  the  council  issued  orders  to  all 
archbishops  and  bishops  to  smite  the  introducers 
of  this  error,  if  they  vrould  not  desist  from  it,  with 
ecclesiastical  punishments  as  heretics,  and  to  use, 
if  requisite,  the  aid  of  the  secular  arm.  Shortly 
afterwards  the  council  also  gave  sentence  against 
Hus's  treatises  and  books,  both  Latin  and  Bohe- 
mian, the  former  of  which  they  were  able,  and  the 
latter  of  which  they  were  unable,  to  read,  decreeing 
that  they  should  be  burnt,  as  containing  errors. 


312  JOHN  HUS. 


With  Hus  himself  negotiations  were  carried  on 
privately  as  to  the  manner  and  form  in  which  he 
was  to  recant  in  order  to  satisfy  the  council.  One 
of  the  leading  members  of  the  council  (formerly 
sui)posed  on  insufficient  grounds  to  have  been  Car- 
dinal John  di  Brogni,  Bishop  of  Ostia),  who  is  re- 
ferred to  by  Hus  himself  as  "  the  father  "  (Pater), 
and  who  seems  to  have  really  been  favourably 
inclined  towards  him,  comjDOsed  a  formula  for  the 
purpose,  intended  to  smooth  the  way  for  his  recan- 
tation of  errors  falsely  ascribed  to  him,  which  ran 
as  follows : 

*•■  I,  such  a  one,  etc.  Over  and  above  the  protests  made  by 
me,  which  I  wish  to  consider  here  repeated,  I  protest  anew, 
that  though  many  things  are  laid  to  my  charge,  which  I  never 
thought  of,  nevertheless,  as  regards  all  things  laid  to  my  charge 
or  cbjccted  against  me,  whether  extracts  from  my  books  or  also 
the  depositions  of  witnesses,  I  humbly  submit  myself  to  the 
ordinance,  decision,  and  correction  of  the  holj'  general  council, 
to  abjure,  to  revoke,  to  retract,  to  undergo  merciful  penance, 
and  to  do  all  and  singular,  that  the  said  lioly  council  shall 
mercifully  and  according  to  its  grace  deem  proper  to  be  ordained 
for  my  salvation,  recommending  myself  most  devoutly  to  the 
same." 

To  this  Hus  replied  : 

"  May  the  most  wise  and  righteous  Father  Almighty  deign 
to  grant  eternal  life  and  glory  to  my  '  father '  for  the  Lord 
Jesus  Christ's  sake  !  Reverend  father !  I  am  very  grateful  for 
your  pious  and  paternal  favour.  1  dare  not  submit  myself  to 
the  council  according  to  the  tenour  of  the  recantation  exhibited 
to  me,  both  because  I  must  condemn  many  truths,  which,  as  I 
heard  from  themselves,  they  designate  scandalous,  and  because 
I  must  incur  the  guilt  of  perjury  by  abjuration  through  admit- 


JOHN  HUS'S  CONDEMNATION  AND  MARTYRDOM.   313 

ting  that  I  have  held  the  errors ;  whereby  I  should  greatly 
scandalize  God's  people,  who  have  heard  the  contrary  from  me 
in  ray  preaching.  If  then  the  holy  Eleazar,  a  man  of  the  old 
law,  an  account  of  whom  is  in  the  Book  of  the  Maccabees, 
would  not  lyiugly  admit  that  he  had  eaten  flesh  forbidden  by 
the  law,  lest  he  should  act  against  God  and  leave  an  evil  example 
to  posterity,  how  should  I,  a  priest  of  the  new  law,  though  an 
unworthy  one,  for  fear  of  a  punishment  which  will  soon  be  over, 
be  willing  to  transgress  the  law  of  God  more  grievously,  (1)  by 
withdrawing  from  the  truth  ;  (2)  by  committing  perjury;  (3)  by 
scandalizing  my  neighbours  ?  Indeed,  it  is  better  for  me  to  die, 
than,  avoiding  a  momentary  punishment,  to  fall  into  the  hands 
of  the  Lord,  and  perhaps  afterwards  into  fire  and  everlasting 
rei^roach.  And  because  I  have  appealed  to  Christ  Jesus,  the 
most  powerful  and  the  most  righteous  of  judges,  committing 
myself  and  my  cause  to  Him,  I  therefore  await  His  decision 
and  sentence,  knowing  that  He  will  judge  every  man,  not 
according  to  false  or  erroneous  witness,  but  according  to  truth 
and  deserving." 

The  ''father"  did  not  give  up  his  attempt  to 
persuade  Hus  to  submit  to  the  council  in  the  only 
manner  in  which  it  was  willing  to  receive  his  sub- 
mission, but  rejoined : 

"  As  regards  the  first  point,  most  loving  and  beloved  brother ! 
let  it  not  affect  you,  that  you  would  be  condemning  truths, 
because  it  is  not  you,  but  those  who  are  your  superiors,  and  at 
the  present  time  ours  also,  who  are  the  condemners.  Attend 
to  this  word :  Do  not  rely  on  your  own  Avisdom  ;  there  are 
many  scientific  and  conscientious  men  in  the  council.  My  son  ! 
hear  the  law  of  thy  mother  !     This  as  to  the  first  point. 

"As  regards  the  second,  concerning  perjury.  If  it  be  perjury, 
it  would  not  redound  upon  you,  but  on  those  who  require  it. 
Also,  they  are  not  heresies  as  regards  yourself  upon  the  cessa- 
tion of  obstinacy.  Augustine,  Origen,  the  Master  of  Sentences, 
etc.,  erred  and  gladly  returned.     1  have  often  believed  myself 


314  JOHN  HUS. 


to  have  imderstood  some  things  well,  in  -which  I  have  fallen 
short ;  when  corrected,  I  returned  with  joy, 

"I  am  writing  briefly,  because  I  am  writing  to  one  who 
understands.  You  will  not  depart  from  the  truth,  but  approach 
to  the  truth  ;  neither  will  you  make  matters  worse,  but  better; 
you  will  not  scandalize,  but  edify.  Eleazar  was  a  glorious  Jew, 
more  glorious  was  the  Jewish  widow  with  seven  sons  and  eight 
martyrs  ;  nevertheless  Paul  was  let  down  in  a  basket  to  effect 
better  things.  The  Lord  Jesus,  the  Judge  of  your  appeal,  gives 
you  apostles,  and  these  are  they.  Still  greater  contests  will  be 
given  you  for  the  faith  of  Christ." 

This  was  ingeniously  argued  by  the  "  father," 
but  Conscience  felt  that  it  was  but  playing  fast  and 
loose  with  truth.     Hus  therefore  finally  rejDlied : 

"  The  council  has  frequently  made  all  these  demands  from 
me ;  but  because  they  imply  that  I  am  to  recant,  abjure,  and 
imdertake  penance  with  regard  to  matters  in  which  I  must 
depart  from  many  truths  ;  (2)  because  I  must  abjure,  and  thus 
be  a  perjured  man  by  confessing  with  regard  to  myself  errors 
falsely  laid  to  mj^  charge  ;  (3)  because  I  should  thereby  scan- 
dalize much  peojile  of  God,  to  whom  I  have  preached  ;  where- 
fore it  would  be  better  that  a  millstone  were  placed  upon  me 
and  I  were  sunk  in  the  depth  of  the  sea  ;  and  (4)  because,  if  I 
were  to  do  this,  desiring  to  escape  a  brief  confusion  and  punish- 
ment, I  should  fall  into  the  greatest  confusion  and  punishment, 
if  I  did  not  repent  most  seriously  before  death.  Therefore  for  my 
encouragement  I  call  to  mind  the  seven  Maccabtean  martyrs, 
who  preferred  to  be  cut  in  pieces  rather  than  eat  flesh  contrary  to 
the  law  of  the  Lord.  I  call  to  mind  also  the  holy  Eleazar,  who, 
as  is  there  written,  refused  merely  to  say  that  he  had  eaten  flesh 
forbidden  by  the  law,  lest  he  should  give  an  evil  precedent  to 
posterity,  but  in  j)reference  underwent  martyrdom.  How  then 
ought  I,  having  these  before  my  eyes,  as  well  as  many  holy 
men  and  women  of  the  new  law,  who  gave  themselves  up  to 
martyrdom,  refusing  to  consent  to  sin — how  ought  I,  who  have 


JOHN  HUS'S  CONDEMNATION  AND  JIAETYRDOINL   315 

for  so  many  years  preached  of  constancy  and  faith,  to  fall  into 
many  falsehoods  and  perjury  and  scandalize  many  sous  of  God  ? 
Far  be  it  from  me,  because  Christ  the  Lord  will  most  abun- 
dantly recompense  me,  giving  mo  patience  at  the  present  and 
glory  in  future !  " 

This  was  decisive,  and  it  was  now  plain,  that 
Hiis  would  never  consent  to  an  indefinite  recanta- 
tion, in  which  the  matters  recanted  were  left 
uncertain  ;  neither  would  he  recant  what  he  had 
hitherto  held  to  be  true,  unless  better  instructed 
from  Scripture,  or  unless  a  definite  decree  on  the 
points  in  question  were  issued  by  the  council.  He 
had  dedicated  his  life  and  all  his  powers  to  the 
promotion  of  a  true  and  searching  reform  of  the 
Church,  and  he  would  not  take  upon  his  conscience 
the  responsibility  of  the  perplexity  and  confusion 
which  would  arise  amongst  his  followers  in  Bohe- 
mia, and  of  the  injury  which  would  be  done  to  this 
great  end  and  object  of  his  life,  if  he  made  the  kind 
of  recantation  which  the  council  demanded. 

Other  members  of  the  council  visited  him  in  his 
prison,  and  endeavoured  to  persuade  him,  that  the 
recantation  of  errors  did  not  necessarily  contain 
the  acknowledgment  of  having  held  them.  Hus 
told  them,  that  he  would  gladly  recant  by  declaring 
that  he  had  never  held  or  taught,  and  would  never 
hold  or  teach,  any  such  errors.  To  this  they  made 
no  reply,  well  knowing  that  the  majority  of  the 
council  would  not  be  satisfied  with  such  a  recanta- 
tion. Stephen  Palecz  also  counselled  him  to  recant. 
Hus  had  requested  the  commissioners  to  grant  him 


316  JOHN  HUS. 


a  confessor,  and  had  expressed  a  wisli  that  Palecz 
might  he  selected  for  the  purpose,  even  for  the 
very  reason  that  Palecz  had  been  his  greatest  ad- 
versary. Another  confessor  was  assigned  him,  a 
monk  and  doctor,  ^Yho  listened  to  his  confession 
"  piously  and  very  handsomely,  absolved  and  ad- 
vised him  without  imposing  any  penance,  as  others 
recommended."  When  Palecz,  who  visited  the 
prison  at  Hus's  own  request,  endeavoured  to  per- 
suade him  to  abjure,  Hus  asked  him  plainly  what 
he  would  do  himself,  if  he  knew  for  certain  that 
he  had  not  held  the  errors  ascribed  to  him? 
Palecz  answered  :  "  'Tis  difficult,"  and  began  to 
weep.  Hus  also  requested  Palecz  to  forgive  him 
for  having  designated  him  a  "  concoctor  "  of  names 
ijictor)  in  his  treatise  against  him,  and  over  this 
again  they  wept  together. 

It  is  also  to  be  noticed,  that  in  his  Latin  letters, 
written  after  his  trial,  Hus  several  times  entreats 
his  friends  not  to  entrust  them  to  the  care  of  any 
cleric.  Michael  de  Causis  had  made  such  arrange- 
ments, that  no  one  was  admitted  in  front  of  the 
prison,  nor  were  even  the  wives  of  the  warders 
allowed  entrance.  Michael  himself — "  poor  fellow," 
as  Hus  calls  him — came  several  times  with  the 
commissioners  deputed  to  confer  with  Hus,  and 
told  the  warders  :  "By  God's  grace  we  shall  soon 
burn  that  heretic,  on  whose  account  I  have  ex- 
pended many  florins."  "  Be  assured,"  writes  Hus, 
in  a  letter  to  his  friends  at  Constance,  "  that  I  do 
not  in  thus  writing  wish  for  vengeance  upon  him, 


JOHN  HUS'S  CONDEMNATION  AND  MARTYRDOM.   317 

which  I  have  committed  to  God,  and  I  pray  God 
earnestly  for  him." 

On  July  1st,  a  commission  of  eight,  Avith  John 
Wallenrode,  Archbishop  of  Eiga,  at  their  head, 
entered  Hus's  prison,  and  demanded  a  final  answer 
from  him.  Hus  replied,  in  writing,  that  he  could 
not  recant  all  the  articles  charged  against  him  by 
witnesses,  lest  he  should  incur  the  guilt  of  perjury, 
they  being  founded  upon  false  evidence.  But,  as  re- 
garded the  articles  extracted  from  his  own  writings, 
he  rejected  everything  incorrect  that  was  in  them, 
but  did  not  intend  to  abjure  each  and  all  of  them 
for  fear  of  condemning  truth.  His  views  in  these 
respects  are  already  set  forth  at  large  in  his  own 
words  in  his  correspondence  with  the  "father,"  and 
need  not  be  restated  here. 

Ever  after  his  last  public  hearing  in  the  council 
on  June  8th,  Hus  had  contemplated  death,  ex- 
pecting his  sentence  from  day  to  daj^  but  always 
with  a  calm  and  resolute  mind.  On  June  10th,  he 
wrote  a  letter  intended  for  general  perusal  to  all 
"faithful  Bohemians,"  and  others  on  June  24th 
and  26th,  all  in  the  Bohemian  language.  In  the 
Bohemian  letters  he  does  not  mention  the  decree 
of  the  council  condemning  the  administration  of 
the  chalice  to  the  laity.  But  in  a  Latin  letter, 
addressed  to  his  friends  at  Constance,  he  speaks 
very  freely  on  the  subject,  as  follows  : 

"  As  I  think,  there  will  be  a  great  persecution  in  the  land  of 
Bohemia  of  those  -who  serve  God  faithfully,  if  God  doth  not 
apply   his   hands  through   the  secular   lords,   whom   He  has 


818  JOHN   HITS. 


enlightened  in  His  law  more  than  the  spiritual  ones.  0,  what 
madness  !  To  condemn,  as  an  error,  the  Gospel  of  Christ,  the 
Epistle  of  Paul,  which  he  says  he  received  not  from  men,  but 
from  Christ,  and  the  act  of  Christ  along  with  the  acts  of  His 
apostles,  and  other  saints  !  That  is  to  say,  as  to  the  communion 
of  the  sacrament  of  the  cup,  which  was  appointed  for  all  adult 
believers.  Behold  !  they  call  it  an  error,  that  faithful  laymen 
are  allowed  to  drink  of  the  cup  of  the  Lord,  and  say  that  if  any 
presbyter  thus  gives  them  to  drink,  he  is  to  be  considered  as  in 
error,  and  unless  he  desists,  is  to  be  condemned  as  a  heretic !  0 
Saint  Paul !  thou  sayesb  to  all  believers  :  '  As  oft  as  ye  shall  eat 
this  bread  and  drink  this  cup,  j^e  will  show  forth  the  death  of 
the  Lord  until  He  come,'  i.e.  until  the  day  of  judgment  in  which 
He  will  come  ;  and  behold !  it  is  now  said,  that  the  custom  of 
Pome  is  in  opposition  thereto." 

To  the  same  effect  be  wrote  to  liis  second  coadjutor 
at  Bethlehem,  the  priest  Havlik  (Galhis),  urgmg 
him,  but  in  vain,  not  to  oppose  communion  in  both 
kinds.     He  says : 

"  Most  beloved  brother  Gallus,  preacher  of  Christ's  word ! 
do  not  oppose  the  sacrament  of  the  cup  of  the  Lord,  •which 
Christ  instituted  by  Himself  and  by  His  Apostles ;  because  no 
Scripture  is  against  it,  but  only  custom,  which,  I  think,  estab- 
lished itself  through  negligence.  Only  we  ought  not  to  follow 
custom,  but  Christ's  example,  and  the  truth.  The  council, 
alleging  custom,  has  already  condemned  the  communion  of  tlic 
cup,  so  far  as  the  laity  are  concerned,  as  an  error;  and  he  wh(j 
practises  it,  unless  he  repent,  will  be  punished  as  a  heretic.  Sec 
the  wiclvedness  !  They  are  already  condemning  Christ's  institu- 
tion as  an  error !  I  pray  you,  for  God's  sake,  no  more  to  impugu 
Magister  Jacobellus,  lest  there  be  a  rent  among  the  faithful, 
whereat  the  devil  will  rejoice.  Likewise,  my  dearest  friend! 
prepare  yourself  for  suffering  in  the  eating  and  in  the  communion 
of  the  cup,  and  stand  bravely  in  the  truth  of  Christ,  disregarding 
unlawful  fear,  encouraging  other  brethren  in  the  Gospel  of  tho 


JOHN  HUS'S  CONDEMNATION  AND  MARTYRDOM.   319 

Lord  Jesus  Christ.  I  suppose  they  will  give  you  the  reasons 
for  the  communion  of  the  cup,  which  I  have  written  at  Constance. 
Salute  Christ's  faithful  ones.  Written  in  chains,  on  the  vigil  of 
the  10,000  soldiers  "  (June  21st). 

Among  the  friends  to  whom  he  bade  farewell  by 
letter,  Hus  addressed  himself  with  especial  grati- 
tude to  his  two  protectors  at  Constance,  Lords  John 
of  Chlum  and  Wenceslas  of  Duba,  advising  them 
both  to  quit  the  slippery  service  of  the  court,  and 
serve  God  in  the  quiet  of  home  and  domestic  life, 
which  to  his  great  comfort  they  both  promised  to  do. 
And  as  John  of  Chlum  was  not  a  wealthy  man,  and 
had  by  his  long  sojourn  at  Constance,  on  Hus's 
account,  incurred  expenses  far  beyond  his  means, 
Hus  expressed  earnest  hopes,  that  wealthier  friends 
would  unite  to  reimburse  him. 

Before  his  departure  from  Bohemia,  Hus  had 
entrusted  a  sealed  letter  to  his  beloved  pupil  and 
afterwards  assistant  at  Bethlehem,  Magister  Martin 
of  Volyne,  which  was  not  to  be  opened  till  the  fact 
of  his  death  was  certain.  In  it  he  gave  him  tender 
and  kindly  exhortations  and  rules  of  life,  confessing 
several  weaknesses  of  his  own,  and  urging  him  not 
to  imitate  them.  He  also  gave  certain  dkections 
as  to  the  disposal  of  his  little  property.  With 
similar  intent  he  wrote  to  him  from  prison  on 
June  16th,  1415,  adding  last  messages  for  various 
friends.  To  Magister  Christian  of  Prachatitz  he 
wrote,  exhorting  him  to  persevere  in  the  defence 
of  the  truth,  in  his  customary  virtues,  in  goodness 
to   the   poor  and   in   purity.      And,   as    Magister 


820  JOHN  HUS. 


Christian  had  two  years  previously  been  thinking 
of  resigning  his  rectory  of  St.  Michael's,  he  begged 
him  to  do  no  such  thing,  "  that  the  faithful  might 
betake  themselves  to  him  for  refuge,  as  to  an 
affectionate  father."  He  also  requested  him  to 
greet  Magister  Jacobellus  "and  all  the  friends  of 
the  truth." 

On  June  27th  he  wrote  a  farewell  letter  to  the  uni- 
versity, to  the  magisters,  bachelors,  and  students, 
urging  them  to  concord  and  steadfastness,  and 
giving  them  an  account  of  his  conduct  in  relation 
to  the  recantation  required  of  him  by  the  council. 
He  specially  recommended  Peter  Mladenovitz  to 
their  love  as  his  "  most  faithful  and  constant  con- 
soler and  comforter,"  expressing  also  a  wish  that 
Havlik  should  succeed  him  at  Bethlehem.  Of 
jNIagister  Jerome  of  Prague,  "  the  Whiskerandos 
(Barhatns)  who  would  not  hearken  to  friendly 
counsels,"  he  made  affectionate  mention  in  several 
letters,  prophesying  Jerome's  death  as  well  as  his 
own.  Magister  John  of  Jescnitz  lie  strongly  recom- 
mended to  enter  into  the  holy  estate  of  matrimony. 

With  regard  to  his  little  property,  Hus  gave  all 
needful  directions  to  Magister  Martin  of  Volyne 
and  Peter  Mladenovitz,  To  themselves  he  left 
some  of  his  books,  while  others  he  gave  to  other 
friends  in  the  university.  Peter  Mladenovitz  was 
to  take  some  of  his  copies  of  Wycliffe's  works  and 
a  fur  coat.  He  also  made  special  mention  of  two 
young  clerics  w^ho  had  attended  upon  him  at 
Bethlehem,  wishing  it  had  been  in  his  power  to 


JOHN  HUS'S  CONDEMNATION  AND  MARTYRDOM.   321 


do  more  for  them.  His  brothers  he  commended 
to  Magister  Martm,  to  whom  he  also  entrusted  his 
brother's  sons,  suggesting  that  their  attention 
should  he  turned  to  trade  or  handicraft,  as  they 
did  not  appear  suited  for  the  clerical  profession. 
He  lamented  that  he  was  unable  to  satisfy  all  his 
creditors,  especially  those  who  had  lent  him  money 
for  his  journey  to  Constance,  recommending  them 
to  the  recompense  of  God,  but  withal  expressing  a 
hope  that  the  richer  among  them  would  contribute 
together  and  reimburse  the  poorer.  To  Lord  John 
of  Chlum  he  bequeathed  his  horse  and  carriage,  if 
still  remaining. 

It  is  not  known  for  certain  whether  King 
Wenceslas  actually  took  any  steps  on  behalf  of 
Hus  during  his  imprisonment  at  Constance  or  no. 
There  is,  however,  a  note  in  the  subsidy  book  of 
the  New  Town  of  Prague,  which  makes  it  appear 
probable  that  he  did  so.  It  is  certain  that  the  king 
was  much  grieved  at  his  fate.  Hus  requested  his 
friends  to  express  his  thanks  to  both  King  Wenceslas 
and  Queen  Sophia  for  having  been  so  gracious  to 
him  and  exerted  themselves  so  much  to  obtain  his 
liberation.  He  even,  in  his  Christian  humility  and 
forgiveness,  thanked  Sigismund,  who  had  lured 
him  to  Constance  and  then  condemned  him  before 
his  enemies  had  done  so. 

After  the  decided  answer  given  by  Hus  to  the 
commissioners  of  the  council  on  July  1st,  it  could 
no  longer  be  doubted  what  manner  of  end  his  case 
must    have.     The    council   determined  upon  his 

Y 


822  JOHN  HUS. 


condemnation.  Nevertheless,  at  the  request  of 
Sigismimd,  on  July  5th,  Lords  Wenceslas  of  Duba 
and  John  of  Chlum  went  with  four  bishops  to  the 
Franciscan  convent,  where  he  was  imprisoned, 
to  hear  his  final  determination,  authority  thus 
making  a  last  effort  to  avoid  embruing  her  hands 
in  blood.  That  noble  and  true-hearted  man,  John 
of  Chlum,  said  to  Hus,  when  led  out  of  his  prison  to 
meet  them  :  "  See  !  Magister  John  !  we  are  laymen 
and  cannot  advise  you ;  look,  therefore,  if  you  feel 
yourself  guilty  in  any  of  the  matters  laid  to  your 
charge,  that  you  fear  not  to  be  instructed  with 
regard  to  them  and  to  recant.  If,  however,  your 
conscience  tells  j^ou  that  you  are  not  guilty,  do  not 
in  any  wise  act  against  your  conscience  or  lie  in 
the  sight  of  God,  but  rather  stand  even  unto  death 
in  the  truth  which  you  have  known."  Hus  replied 
meekly  with  tears  :  "  Lord  John !  be  assured  that 
if  I  knew  myself  to  have  written  or  preached  aught 
erroneous  against  the  law  and  against  Holy  Mother 
Church,  I  would  humbly  recant  it ;  God  is  my 
witness.  But  I  always  desire  that  they  would  show 
me  better  and  more  probable  scriptures  than  are 
the  things  which  I  have  written  and  taught ;  and 
if  they  be  shown  me,  I  will  most  readily  recant." 
On  this  one  of  the  bishops  replied  :  "Do  you  want 
to  be  wiser  than  the  whole  council?"  Hus  re- 
joined :  "  I  do  not  want  to  be  wiser  than  the  whole 
council ;  but,  I  pra}^  give  me  one  of  the  least  in 
the  council  to  instruct  me  with  .better  and  stronger 
scriptures,  and  I   am  ready  to  recant   at   once." 


JOHN  HUS'S  CONDEMNATION  AND  MARTYRDOM.   823 

The  bishops  vouchsafed  no  further  answer  than  the 
words  :  "  See  !  how  obstinate  he  is  in  his  heresy  !  " 
ordered  him  to  be  conducted  back  to  prison,  and 
took  their  departure. 

The  next  day,  July  6th,  a  scene  never  to  be  for- 
gotten took  place  in  Constance.  The  council  held 
its  fifteenth  grand  session,  one  of  the  most  mag- 
nificent and  important  of  all,  in  the  cathedral. 
The  King  of  the  Romans,  Sigismund,  was  present, 
sitting  upon  his  throne  with  the  insignia  of  the 
imperial  dignity.  At  his  side  the  Count  Palatine, 
Louis,  held  the  imperial  globe  ;  Frederic,  Burgrave 
of  Nuremberg,  the  sceptre;  Henry,  Duke  of  Bavaria, 
the  crown ;  and  a  Hungarian  magnate  the  sword. 
Cardinal  di  Brogni  presided,  and  the  other  cardinals 
and  prelates  sat  together  in  full  number.  In  the 
midst  of  the  cathedral  rose  a  little  platform,  in 
which  was  fixed  a  post,  whereon  hung  the  vestments 
worn  by  a  iniest  in  celebrating  mass.  A  solemn 
mass  was  read  by  the  Bishop  of  Gnesen,  during 
which  the  prisoner  was  detained  at  the  door  amidst 
armed  men.  Nor  was  he  admitted  till  the  Bishop 
of  Lodi  ascended  the  pulpit,  when  Hus  came 
forward  and  knelt  in  prayer  beside  the  platform. 
The  bishop  preached  upon  Eom.  vi.  6  :  "  That  the 
body  of  sin  may  be  destroyed  :  "  and  entered  upon 
the  subject  of  heresy  at  large,  dwelling  particularly 
on  the  heresy  of  simony,  and  urging  the  king,  as 
a  part  of  his  kingly  duty,  "to  repair  the  rent 
church,  to  remove  inveterate  schisms,  to  restrain 
simonists,  and  to  extirpate  heretics."    "  Destroy," 


324  JOHN   HUS. 


he  continued,  '*  heresies  and  errors,  and  especially 
this  obstinate  heretic,  through  whose  "malignity 
many  localities  in  the  world  are  infected  with  the 
plague  of  heresy  and  owing  thereto  destroyed !  " 

As  soon  as  business  began,  proclamation  was 
made  in  the  name  of  the  council,  that,  under  pain 
of  excommunication  and  two  months'  imprisonment, 
no  one,  whoever  he  might  be,  should  venture  to 
interrupt  the  proceedings  either  by  speaking  or  con- 
tradicting, or  by  exhibiting  tokens  of  approbation 
or  disajiprobation.  Then  were  read  some  of  the 
260  erroneous  articles  extracted  by  the  University 
of  Oxford  from  the  writings  of  Wycliffe,  and  sen- 
tence was  xmssed  upon  them.  The  case  of  Hus 
came  next  in  order.  The  papal  auditor,  Berchtold 
of  Wildungen,  first  read  thirty  "  articles  "  extracted 
from  his  writings,  the  accusations  proved  by 
witnesses,  and  the  whole  course  of  the  proceedings 
taken  against  him.  Hus  endeavoured  to  justify 
himself  and  to  state  the  limitations  with  which  he 
had  qualified  the  obnoxious  passages,  but  was  not 
allowed  to  do  so.  Cardinal  d'Ailly  told  him  to  hold 
his  tongue ;  he  would  afterwards  be  able  to  answer 
the  articles  all  at  once.  "  How  can  I  do  this,"  cried 
Hus,  "when  I  cannot  even  bear  them  all  in  mind?" 
When  he  endeavoured  to  reply  to  other  articles, 
as  they  were  read  out,  Cardinal  Zabarella  said  : 
"  Hold  your  tongue  ;  we  have  already  given  you 
a  sufficient  hearing ;"  turned  to  the  beadles  and 
bade  them  order  him  to  be  silent.  Hus  clasped 
his  hands  and  with  a  loud  voice  implored  a  hearing 


JOHN  HUS'S  CONDEMNATION  AND  MARTYRDOM.   325 

for  God's  sake,  that  the  bystanders  might  not  believe 
liim  to  have  held  errors  ;  they  might  afterwards  do 
what  they  pleased  with  him.  When  forbidden  to 
speak  or  reply  to  the  charges,  he  clasped  his  hands, 
raised  his  eyes  to  heaven,  and  prayed  devoutly. 

The  articles  proved  by  the  depositions  of  wit- 
nesses were  dishonestly  and  unfairly  read,  the 
offices  and  localities  only,  and  not  the  names  of 
the  deponents,  being  given.  When  charged  with 
holding,  that  material  bread,  or  the  substance  of 
bread,  remained  in  the  sacrament  after  consecra- 
tion, Hus  rose  again  and  endeavoured  to  reply, 
but  was  shouted  down  by  Cardinal  Zabarella. 
Nevertheless  he  cried  out,  "  I  pray  you,  for  God's 
sake,  hear  my  meaning,  and  for  the  sake  of  those 
present,  that  they  may  not  believe  me  to  have  held 
those  errors.  Wherefore  I  say  that  I  have  never 
held,  taught  or  preached,  that  in  the  sacrament  of 
the  altar,  material  bread  remains  after  consecra- 
tion." He  gave  similar  replies  to  other  long  refuted 
charges. 

They  now  proceeded  to  charge  him  with  a 
monstrous  "article,"  which  had  never  been  men- 
tioned before.  It  was  a  most  wicked  and  malicious 
invention,  simply  intended  to  cover  the  slightness 
of  the  genuine  causes  of  complaint  that  they  had 
against  him  on  the  score  of  heresy.  It  runs  accord- 
ing to  the  printed  "  Acta  "  of  the  council : — 

"  That  Magister  John  Hus  granted  this  proposition,  that 
John  Hus  was  a  person  in  the  Godhead,  and  that  there  were 
more  persons  than  three  in  the  Godhead ;  proved  to  be  true  by 


326  JOHN   HUS. 


one  Doctor  of  Theology  from  coinmou  report  and  fame,  by  one 
abbot  from  common  fame,  and  by  a  vicar  of  the  cathedral  at 
Prague,  who  said  he  had  heard  it  from  the  mouth  of  John 
Has  as  articled." 

No  -wonder  that  Hu.s  exclaimed :  "  Let  that 
doctor  he  named  who  has  given  this  evidence 
against  me !  "  No  wonder  that  he  loudly  stated 
his  honest  faith  in  catholic  doctrine,  from  which  it 
had  never  entered  into  his  heart  to  vary  ! 

When  it  was  read  that  Magister  John  Hus  had 
appealed  to  God,  and  that  such  an  appeal  was  con- 
demned as  an  error,  he  replied  with  a  loud  voice : 
"  0  Lord  God  !  Lo  !  this  council  now  condemns 
Thy  actions  and  law  as  an  error!  Who,  when 
Thou  wast  aggrieved  and  oppressed  hy  Thine  ene- 
mies, committedst  Thy  cause  to  God  Thy  Father, 
the  most  righteous  of  Judges,  giving  herein  an 
example  to  us  poor  wretches,  when  aggrieved  in 
whatever  way,  to  have  recourse  to  Thee,  the  most 
righteous  of  Judges,  humhly  asking  Thine  aid." 
He  added  moreover :  "  And  I  affirm,  that  there  is 
no  safer  appeal  than  that  to  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ, 
Who  is  not  bent  hy  bribery  nor  deceived  by  false 
witness,  but  assigns  his  deserts  to  each." 

It  was  also  read,  that  Hus  had  behaved  contu- 
maciously under  excommunication.  He  replied  : 
"  I  did  not  take  the  excommunication  contuma- 
ciously, but  preached  and  celebrated  mass  under 
appeal.  And  though  I  sent  two  sets  of  procm-ators 
to  the  Eoman  Curia,  alleging  reasonable  grounds 
of  non-appearance  personally,  I  could  never  obtain 


JOHN  HUS'S  CONDEMNATION  AND  MARTYEDOM.   327 

a  hearing,  but  some  of  my  procurators  were  im- 
prisoned and  otliers  maltreated."  In  proof  of  this 
he  referred  to  the  official  records  of  the  case,  and 
then  proceeded  to  repeat  with  emphasis  a  state- 
ment, which  he  had  already  several  times  made 
before  the  council :  "  Moreover,  I  came  here  freely 
to  this  council,  with  a  safe-conduct  from  my  lord 
the  king  here  present,  with  the  wish  to  prove  my 
innocence  and  give  an  account  of  my  belief."  As 
Hus  said  this,  fixing  his  eyes  on  the  king,  a  mani- 
fest blush  overspread  Sigismund's  countenance,  a 
blush  to  which  Sigismund's  successor,  Charles  V., 
declined  to  render  himself  liable,  when  urged  at 
the  Diet  of  Worms  to  violate  the  safe-conduct  he 
had  given  to  Luther. 

"When  all  the  charges  had  been  read,  the  Bishop 
of  Concordia  proceeded  to  read  the  final  sentence  (1) 
against  Hus's  books,  and  (2)  against  Hus  himself. 
The  books,  whether  in  Latin  or  in  Bohemian,  were 
condemned  to  the  flames ;  and  Hus  was  proclaimed 
a  manifest  heretic  for  preaching  erroneous,  scan- 
dalous, and  seditious  doctrines,  leading  a  multitude 
of  people  astray,  injuring  the  honour  of  the  Holy 
See  and  the  Church,  and  hardening  himself  in  his 
malice  ;  wherefore  he  was  to  be  degraded  from  the 
priesthood,  deprived  of  the  consecration  which  he 
had  received,  and  delivered  over  to  the  secular  arm, 
as  the  Church  had  nothing  fm*ther  to  do  with  him. 

When  pronounced  "obstinate  in  his  error  and 
heresy,"  Hus  dauntlesslj'-  cried  with  a  loud  voice : 
"I  never  was  nor  am  I  obstinate,  but  have  always 


328  JOHN   HUS. 


desired  and  do  this  day  desire  more  effectual  in- 
struction from  the  scriptures.  And  this  day  I  say, 
that,  if  by  one  word  I  could  destroy  and  confute  all 
errors,  I  would  most  gladly  do  so."  When  all  his 
books,  whether  written  in  Latin  or  in  Bohemian,  or 
translated  into  any  other  language,  were  condemned 
and  ordered  to  be  bm-nt  as  suspected  of  heresy,  he 
replied  :  "  How  do  you  condemn  my  books,  when  I 
have  always  desired  and  asked  for  better  scriptures 
against  the  statements  and  positions  in  them,  and 
you  have  never  up  to  this  time  brought  a  passage 
of  scripture  against  them,  nor  shown  a  single  word 
to  be  erroneous  ?  And  how  have  you  condemned 
the  books  translated  {sic)  into  the  vulgar  Bohemian 
or  any  other  language,  which  you  have  never 
seen  ? "  But  when  the  sentence  against  himself 
was  read,  he  knelt  and  listened,  praying  and  look- 
ing upwards  towards  heaven.  When  the  whole  of 
the  sentence  had  been  read,  Hus  knelt  again  and 
prayed  with  a  loud  voice  for  all  his  enemies,  saying : 
"  Lord  Jesus  Christ !  pardon  all  my  enemies,  I 
pray  Thee,  for  the  sake  of  Thy  great  mercy.  Thou 
iaiowest  that  they  have  falsely  accused  me,  brought 
forward  false  witnesses,  and  concocted  false  articles 
against  me.  Pardon  them  for  the  sake  of  Thy 
infinite  mercy  !  "  These  affecting  and  truly  Chris- 
tian prayers  were  received,  especially  by  the  "  chief 
of  the  priests,"  with  anger  and  derision. 

The  Archbishop  of  Milan  and  six  other  bishops 
were  appointed  to  degrade  and  de-consecratc  him. 
Bv  their  orders  he  was  dressed  in  the  altar -vest- 


JOHN  HUS'S  CONDEMNATION  AND  MABTYRDOM.   829 

ments  of  a  celebrant.  As  he  put  on  the  alb,  he 
said,  "  My  Lord  Jesus  Christ  was  mocked  in  a 
white  robe,  when  conducted  from  Herod  to  Pilate." 
Being  vested  and  exhorted  by  the  bishops  to  abjure, 
he  stepped  on  the  platform,  turned  sadly  to  the 
assembly  and  said  with  tears  :  ''  See  !  these  bishops 
exhort  me  to  recant  and  abjure.  I  fear  to  do  so, 
lest  I  should  be  a  liar  in  the  sight  of  God ;  lest  I 
should  offend  my  conscience  and  God's  truth,  never 
having  held  the  articles  which  they  falsely  testify 
against  me,  but  rather  having  taught,  written,  and 
preached  the  contrary ;  and  also  lest  I  should 
offend  and  scandalize  the  great  multitude  to  whom 
I  have  preached,  and  likewise  others  who  are  faith- 
fully preaching  the  Word  of  God."  On  his  saying 
this,  the  principal  ecclesiastics  sitting  round  and 
other  members  of  the  council  observed :  "  We  now 
see  how  hardened  he  is  in  his  malice  and  how 
obstinate  in  his  heresy." 

When  he  came  down  from  the  platform  the  seven 
bishops  aforesaid  began  the  ceremony  of  his  degra- 
dation, first  taking  the  chalice  from  his  hands  and 
repeating  the  following  curse  :  "0  cursed  Judas ! 
since  thou  hast  forsaken  the  counsel  of  peace  and 
taken  counsel  with  the  Jews,  we  take  from  thee 
this  cup  of  redemption."  But  Hus  said  with  a 
loud  voice  :  "  I  trust  in  the  Lord  God  Almighty, 
for  whose  Name's  sake  I  patiently  suffer  this  blas- 
phemy, that  He  will  not  take  from  me  the  cup  of 
His  Eedemption.  And  I  steadfastly  hope  that  I 
shall  drink  it  this  day  in  His  kingdom."     Then 


330  JOHN  HUS. 


they  took  from  him  the  other  vestments,  pronounc- 
ing a  curse  at  each  "  after  their  fashion,"  while  he 
repHecl  that  he  humbly  and  willingly  accepted  those 
blasphemies  for  the  Name's  sake  of  our  Lord  Jesus 
Christ. 

The  next  proceeding  was  the  destruction  of  his 
tonsure.  Here  an  altercation  ensued  amongst  them, 
some  wishing  to  destroy  it  with  a  razor,  while 
others  said  that  it  was  sufficient  to  "violate"  it 
with  scissors.  During  this  Hus  turned  to  the  king 
and  said  :  "  See  !  these  bishops  cannot  agree  in  this 
blasphemy."  They  eventually  cut  his  tonsure  with 
scissors  in  four  directions,  to  the  right,  to  the  left, 
in  front  and  behind,  saying  words  to  this  effect : 
"  The  Church  has  now  deprived  him  of  all  rights, 
she  has  now  nothing  more  to  do ;  he  must  there- 
fore be  delivered  over  to  the  secular  arm." 

Before  they  placed  the  paper  crown  of  blasphemy 
on  his  head,  they  said  to  him,  amongst  other 
things:  "We  commit  thy  soul  to  the  devil." 
Hus  clasped  his  hands  together,  raised  his  eyes 
to  heaven,  and  said:  "And  I  commit  it  to  the 
righteous  Lord  Jesus  Christ."  When  he  espied 
the  crown,  he  said  :  "  My  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  for 
my  sake,  wretch  that  I  am,  deigned  guiltless  to 
bear  a  much  harder  and  more  grievous  crown  of 
thorns  to  a  most  shameful  death ;  therefore  I, 
wretch  and  sinner  that  I  am,  am  willing  humbly 
to  bear  this  much  lighter,  though  blasphemous 
one,  for  His  Name  and  the  truth's  sake."  It  was 
a  cii'cular  sugar-loaf-shaped  crown  of  paper,  about 


JOHN  HUS'S  CONDEMNATION  AND  MARTYRDOM.   331 

an  ell  high,  on  which  were  painted  three  terrible 
devils,  tearing  a  sinful  soul,  with  the  inscription : 
"  This  is  an  Heresiarch."  The  crown  being  finally 
placed  on  Hus's  head,  the  king  turned  to  the 
Count  Palatine  with  these  words  :  "  Go,  take  him." 
The  count  immediately  laid  aside  the  imperial 
globe,  took  the  prisoner  into  his  charge,  and 
delivered  him  to  the  magistrates  of  Constance, 
saying :  "  Take  John  Hus,  who,  according  to  the 
decree  of  our  most  gracious  lord  the  king,  and 
by  command  of  the  council,  is  to  be  burned  as  a 
heretic." 

No  delay  took  place  in  the  execution  of  these 
orders.  The  council  proceeded  with  its  business, 
while  Hus  was  led  out  of  the  cathedral  and  out  of 
the  city  to  the  place  of  execution.  He  was  escorted 
by  a  body  of  about  one  thousand  men-at-arms,  and 
followed  by  a  vast  throng  of  spectators.  As  he 
issued  from  the  cathedral,  he  saw  his  books  blazing 
in  the  churchyard,  and  smiled  at  the  sight.  He 
walked  to  death  with  a  firm  and  steady  step,  chant- 
ing or  praying,  without  exhibiting  the  slightest 
sign  of  fear  or  regret.  So  large  a  procession  could 
not  move  rapidly,  and  from  time  to  time  a  stoppage 
occurred,  of  which  Hus  took  advantage  to  address 
the  bystanders,  to  explain  his  position,  and  to  assure 
them  of  his  innocence.  But  the  crowd  of  common 
people  was  not  allowed  to  follow  him  beyond  the 
city  gates,  grieving  as  it  appeared  to  be  at  the 
cruel  death  of  an  innocent  man. 

The  place  of  execution  was  a  meadow   among 


332  JOHN,  HUS. 

gardens,  on  the  way  from  Constance  to  Gottlieben. 
Some  of  the  laity  present  said  :  "  What  and  what 
manner  of  things  he  hath  done  or  said  formerly, 
we  know  not ;  but  now  we  see  and  hear  that  he 
prayeth  and  speaketh  holy  words."  Others  cried, 
that  a  confessor  ought  to  be  assigned  him ;  and  a 
priest  on  horseback,  in  a  green  frock  lined  with  red 
silk,  replied:  "  Being  a  heretic,  he  ought  not  to  be 
heard,  neither  ought  a  confessor  to  be  assigned  him." 
When  he  came  up  to  the  stake,  he  fell  on  his  knees 
and  prayed,  chanting  the  thirty-first  and  fifty-first 
Psalms,  and  especially  repeating  the  sixth  verse 
of  the  latter  :  "  Into  Thy  hands  I  commend  my 
spirit ;  for  Thou  hast  redeemed  me,  0  Lord,  thou 
God  of  truth."  As  he  prayed,  the  cap  of  blasphemy 
fell  from  his  head,  at  which  he  smiled,  and  some  of 
the  hirelings  round  about  said  it  ought  to  be  re- 
placed, that  he  might  be  burned  along  with  the 
devils  that  he  had  served.  A  confessor  eventually 
ojBfered  himself  upon  condition  of  his  recantation, 
but  Hus  declined  his  services  on  any  such  terms. 
Rising  from  prayer,  he  said  with  a  loud  and 
distinct  voice  :  "  0  Lord  Jesus  Christ  !  I  am  willing 
patiently  and  humbly  to  endure  this  di'eadful, 
shameful,  and  cruel  death  for  the  sake  of  Thy 
Gospel  and  the  preaching  of  Thy  Word."  He  was 
then  led  round,  as  a  spectacle,  and  made  use  of 
the  opportunity  to  beg  the  bystanders  not  to 
believe  that  he  had  in  any  wise  held,  preached, 
or  taught  the  articles  laid  to  his  charge  by  false 
witnesses.    He  was  not  allowed  to  address  the  by- 


JOHN  HUS'S  CONDEMNATION  AND  MARTYRDOM.   333 

standers  further,  but  permitted  to  take  leave  of  bis 
prison-warders,  which  he  did  in  German  in  very 
friendly  and  affectionate  terms.  He  was  then 
stripped  of  his  clothes,  with  the  exception  of  bis 
boots,  which  could  not  be  removed,  as  his  feet  were 
fettered  together.  At  first  his  face  was  turned 
towards  the  east,  which  displeased  some  of  the  by- 
standers, who  cried  out  that  such  a  heretic  ought 
not  to  be  allowed  to  face  the  east,  but  ought  to  be 
turned  round  towards  the  west,  and  the  change  was 
accordingly  made.  When  a  foul  and  rusty  chain 
was  i^laced  round  his  neck,  he  looked  at  it,  smiled, 
and  said  to  the  executioners :  "  The  Lord  Jesus 
Christ,  my  Eedeemer  and  Saviour,  was  bound  with 
a  harder  and  heavier  chain,  and  I,  wretch  that 
I  am,  do  not  fear  to  be  bound  by  and  bear  this  for 
His  Name's  sake."  Two  faggots  of  wood  were 
placed  under  his  feet,  and  two  cartloads  of  wood 
mixed  with  straw  were  piled  around  him,  concealing 
his  whole  person  up  to  the  chin. 

Before  the  fire  was  lighted,  the  marshal  of  the 
empire,  Haupt  of  Pappenheim,  came  up,  and 
invited  him,  in  the  presence  of  the  Count  Palatine, 
to  save  his  life  and  soul  by  abjuration  and  recanta- 
tion. Looking  up  to  heaven,  he  replied  in  a  loud 
voice:  "God  is  my  witness,  that  I  have  never 
taught  or  preached  the  things  which  are  falsely 
ascribed  to  me,  and  which  have  been  laid  to  my 
charge  by  false  witnesses  ;  but  the  principal  in- 
tention of  my  preaching  and  of  all  my  other  actions 
and  writings  has  simply  been  to  draw  men  back  from 


S34  JOHN  HUS. 

sin ;  and  in  that  truth  of  the  Gospel,  which  I  have 
written,  taught,  and  preached  according  to  the 
sayings  and  statements  of  the  holy  doctors,  I  am 
willing  joyfully  this  day  to  die."  The  marshal  and 
Count  Palatine  then  struck  their  hands  together 
and  retired. 

The  pile  was  now  lighted,  hut  the  terrible  death 
endured  not  long.  Twice  did  Hus  chant  with  a 
loud  voice  :  "0  Christ,  Son  of  the  living  God  ! 
have  mercy  upon  me  !  "  But  when  he  endeavoured 
to  continue  :  "  Who  wast  horn  of  the  Virgin  Mary," 
a  gust  of  wind  drove  the  flame  into  his  face  and 
stopped  his  voice.  Then,  apparently  praying  within 
himself,  moving  his  lips  and  head,  he  expired  in 
the  Lord,  within  the  time,  as  Mladenovitz  narrates, 
during  which  two  or  three  paternosters  might  be 
rapidly  recited. 

When  the  Count  Palatine  saw  Hus's  clothes  in 
the  hands  of  the  executioners,  he  ordered  them  to 
be  thrown  into  the  still  burning  pile,  promising 
the  men  compensation  for  the  loss  of  their  per- 
quisites.* All  his  remains  were  carefully  searched 
for,  reduced  to  ashes,  and  cast  into  the  neighbom*- 
ing  PJiine,  that  nothing  might  remain  which  his 
Bohemian  friends  could  keep  and  carry  home, 
and  there  honour  and  venerate  as  the  holy  relics 
of  a  martyr. 

Such  was  the  end  of  a  spotless  life,  spent  in  the 

*  Two  coats  of  good  clotli,  a  girdle  with  a  silver-gilt  clasp,  two 
Bide-knivee  in  a  sheath,  and  a  leather  pouch,  "  in  which  there 
might  well  bo  money,"  according  to  Reicheuthal. 


JOHN  HUS'S  CONDEMNATION  AND  MARTYRDOM.    335 

service  of  God,  and  animated  by  a  zeal,  the  honesty 
of  which  none  could  deny,  and  with  regard  to  which 
the  utmost  that  the  most  bitter  enemy  could  allege 
was,  that  it  was  not  always  sufficiently  tempered 
with  discretion.  The  supremacy  of  conscience  in 
the  soul,  that  of  the  scriptures  in  the  Church,  and 
the  necessity  for  a  reform  of  life  and  manners 
among  the  clergy,  were  the  great  ends  to  which 
John  Hus  devoted  his  life,  and  being  dead,  still 
speaketh  to  us  from  the  place  of  his  martyrdom  at 
Constance.  Well  might  the  Bohemians  be  angered 
at  the  cruel  murder  of  such  a  man,  and  well  might 
they  ere  long  exchange  defiances  with  the  wicked 
council.  But  it  was  not  until  cruel  persecution 
arose  in  their  own  land,  that  the  flame  actually 
blazed  forth,  that  crusade  after  crusade  were  driven 
back  with  shame  and  slaughter,  that  about  two- 
thirds  of  Bohemia  successfully  withstood  the  whole 
might  of  papacy  and  empire,  and  finally,  passing 
over  to  the  oflensive,  triumphantly  extorted  that 
freedom  of  conscience,  which  is  now  the  glory  of 
the  most  civilized  nations  and  countries  of  the 
world.  It  is  true  that  that  freedom  was  narrowed 
and  diminished  by  force  of  circumstances,  and  that 
persecution  for  religion  again  appeared  on  the 
scene,  even  in  free  and  constitutional  Bohemia.  It 
reappeared  and  vanished  again,  to  break  out  with 
redoubled  fury  at  the  disastrous  epoch  of  the 
"  Thirty  Years  War,"  when  the  religious  and  poli- 
tical Hberties  of  the  nation  were  simultaneously 
destroyed,  and  Bohemia  was  brought  back  to  the 


336  JOHN   HUS. 


obedience  of  Eome  by  the  simple  reduction  of  its 
inhabitants  from  four  milhons  to  less  than  eight 
hundred  thousand. 

But  the  thing  that  hath  been  may  be  again  ;  and 
the  spectacle  presented  by  the  three  diverse  re- 
ligious bodies  of  Calixtines,  Taborites,  and  Orphans 
standing  shoulder  to  shoulder  in  firm  confedera- 
tion against  Eome,  their  common  foe,  exhibited  a 
model  to  be  imitated  in  future  ages  and  in  other 
nationalities.  Hus  did  not  die  in  vain ;  his  argu- 
ments against  religious  persecution  remain  on 
record  unanswered  and  unanswerable  for  ever  ;  and 
the  more  civilized  and  the  more  highly  regarded 
a  nation  is  in  the  polity  of  the  world,  the  more  fully 
will  it  be  found  to  have  accepted  his  two  grand 
principles  of  the  supremacy  of  the  conscience  in 
the  individual  life  and  soul,  and  of  the  scriptures 
in  the  common  life  of  the  Church  and  in  matters 
of  faith.  Hus  was  himself  no  sectarian,  and  can- 
not even  be  termed  a  Wj^cliffite.  He  rose  above  all 
distinctions  of  sect  or  party,  and  though  he  felt 
that  he  must  himself  perish,  as  perish  he  did, 
in  the  contest  against  the  evil  and  corruption  of 
his  day,  3'et  he  also  felt  that  others  would  rise  up 
after  him  and  carry  on  to  completion  the  work 
which  "the  poor  Goose,"  as  he  styled  himself,  had 
so  nobly  and  dauntlessly  begun.  Morality,  con- 
science, scripture,  formed  the  threefold  motto  of 
his  life  and  work  ;  and  well  will  it  be  for  us,  if  we 
have  as  keen  and  clear  perception  and  appreciation 
of  these  three  grand  regulative  povrers  as  he  had. 


JOHN  HUS'S  CONDEMNATION  AND  MARTYRDOM.    337 

Add  to  this  the  unselfishness  which  is  a  remarkable 
and  unfailing  feature  in  his  energetic  life,  and  when 
"we  make  allowance  for  the  human  frailty  which 
exhibits  itself  in  a  tendency  to  over-subtilization, 
in  an  apparent  over-reliance  on  his  own  powers  of 
disputation,  and  in  overflowings  of  righteous  in- 
dignation insufficiently  tempered  by  discretion,  we 
have  before  us  one  of  the  finest  and  purest 
characters  that  ever  came  to  the  front  against  evil 
and  on  the  side  of  good,  one  of  the  best  of  those 
good  men  and  true,  who  from  time  to  time  stemmed 
the  torrent  of  iniquity,  apparently  in  vain,  and 
seemed  to  be  overwhelmed  and  swept  away  by  it, 
but  who  in  reality  won  victory  by  condemnation 
and  death,  whose  work  lived  after  them  and  lives 
on  still,  a  perpetual  heritage  and  possession  for 
ever  to  the  human  race. 


388  JOHN  HUS. 


CHAPTER  XI. 

JOHN    HUS    AS   A    SCHOOL    DIVINE. 

The  writings  of  Jolin  Hiis  are  essentially  those  of 
a  transition  epoch.  The  form  of  his  Latin  writings 
is  purely  scholastic,  while  anticipations  of  modern 
thought  and  modern  modes  of  dealing  with  prin- 
ciples from  time  to  time  exhibit  themselves  among 
thera.  The  scientific  phraseology  of  his  day  en- 
velopes almost  everything  with  a  kind  of  artificial 
husk,  while  in  his  Bohemian  writings  we  see  the 
man  as  he  walked  and  talked  amongst  his  fellows, 
not,  as  it  were,  disguised  in  plate  or  chain  armour 
for  the  intellectual  or  theological  tournament.  Still, 
some  of  his  Latin  works,  esjiecially  his  greatest 
work,  the  treatise  "On  the  Church,"  "7)eEcdma," 
are  products  of  deep  thought  and  great  dialectic 
skill,  and  this  one  especially  has  a  vast  historical 
value,  as  the  first  symbolical  book  that  heralded 
that  insurrection  against  the  mere  authority  of  the 
papal  See,  which  caused  the  more  or  less  complete 
severance    from    Eome,    first    of   the    Bohemian 


JOHN  HUS  AS  A   SCHOOL   DIVINE.  8^9 

Cliurcb,  and  secondly  of  the  various  Churches  of 
the  Eeformation.  Let  me  state  as  briefly  as  pos- 
sible tlie  chief  theoretical  principles  contained  in 
and  underlying  the  twenty-three  chapters  of  this 
great  Latin  work,  neglecting  the  form  and  attend- 
ing solely  to  the  matter  and  language  of  the  writer. 

"  The  Holy,  Universal,  or  Catholic  Cliurch.  is  the  society  or 
collective  body  (universitas)  of  all  those  who  are  predestined 
to  salvation,  whether  they  be  present,  past,  or  to  come.  It  is 
therefore  one  and  one  only  from  the  beginning  to  the  end  of  the 
world.  It  is  Christ's  immaculate  spouse,  whom  we  name  as  the 
chief  and  highest  created  thing  in  the  creed  immediately  after 
the  most  holy  uncreated  Trinity,  The  heavenly  angels  also  are 
a  part  or  members  of  it.  It  is  divided  into  three,  the  Church 
triumphant,  the  Church  militant,  and  the  Church  dormant, 
which  are  united  together  by  the  bond  of  love,  and  have  an 
uninterrupted  reciprocal  action  upon  each  other. 

"  Christ  is  the  head  of  the  Catholic  Church,  and  the  Church 
is  His  mystical  body,  i.e.  governed  by  the  power  and  operation 
of  Christ  its  head,  and  united  and  compacted  by  the  bond  of 
predestination.  Every  predestined  person  is  a  member  of  this 
mystical  body,  to  which  members  Christ  gives  motion  and 
sensation.  As  in  the  human  body,  so  also  of  course  in  the 
Church,  some  members  are  more  and  others  less  noble  ;  but,  as 
the  members  of  the  body  serve  the  soul,  so  do  the  members 
of  the  Church  serve  Christ  without  any  jealousy  or  endeavour 
to  exalt  themselves  above  each  other.  And  as  there  are  in  the 
body  accidental  portions,  which  are  in  the  body,  but  are  not 
parts  of  the  body,  which  are  therefore  ejected  again,  so  are  there 
in  the  Church  persons  foreknown  to  eternal  perdition,  who  are 
suffered  in  it  for  a  time,  but  are  not  members  of  the  Church, 
although  they  designate  themselves  Christians.  For  no  position, 
no  election  by  men,  nor  dignity  constitutes  any  one  a  member 
of  the  Catholic  Church,  but  only  God's  predestination.  And 
thus  without  special  revelation  no  one  can  know  whether  he  is 


340  JOHN   HUS. 


actually  a  member  of  the  Church,  neither  can  any  one  know 
this  with  respect  to  another,  but  it  is  in  hope  only,  that  all 
Christians  are  members  of  the  Church  of  Christ. 

"A  fortiori  there  cannot  be  more  heads  of  the  Catholic 
Church  than  Christ,  who  is  very  man,  and  who  in  His  manhood 
is  exalted  above  all  saints,  and  all  celestial  choirs.  As  Man 
Christ  is  Head  of  the  Church  within  it  (ca2mt  intrlnsecum'),  as 
God, He  is  its  Head  without  it  {caput  extrinsecum),  so  that  in  this 
manner  He  is  true  Mediator  between  the  Church  and  the  Divine 
Trinity.  Besides  Him  no  other  Head  of  the  Catholic  Church  is 
conceivable,  but  only  a  terrestrial  chief  (ca2"7a??e(/s)  or  represent- 
ative of  Christ  (vicarius)  over  the  Church  militant,  which  is 
not  the  Catholic  Church  save  only  in  a  partial  sense  ;  and  thus 
the  Church  militant,  the  Church  in  this  partial  sense,  has,  in  a 
certain  sense,  three  rulers— its  earthly  chief,  Christ  as  man,  and 
Christ  as  God,  the  first  being  subordinate  to  the  second,  the 
second  to  the  third, 

"  The  Holy  Catholic  Church  is  also  called  the  Apostolic  or 
Eoman  Church;  whence  it  does  not  follow,  that  every  pope, 
who  is  truly  such,  and  the  college  of  Eoman  cardinals,  constitute 
the  entire  Catholic  Church.  For  the  Holy  Apostolic  Church  is 
that  which  has  never  departed  from  the  true  faith  of  Christ  and 
the  Apostles,  and  which  cannot  err  therein  ;  but  that  popes  have 
erred  is  proved  by  ecclesiastical  history.  But  the  Eoman 
Church,  i.e.  the  Church  which  has  its  seat  at  Eome,  was  from 
the  beginning  a  partial  Church,  the  society  of  all  Christians 
living  under  the  obedience  of  the  Bishop  of  Eome,  as  the 
Churches  of  Jerusalem  and  Antioch  were  the  societies  of 
Christians  living  under  the  Bishops  of  Jerusalem  and  Antioch. 
In  the  first  instance  the  Church  flourished  at  Jerusalem,  then  to  a 
greater  extent  at  Antioch;  nevertheless,  the  Catholic  Church  took 
its  name  from  Eome  for  three  reasons :  (1)  Because  Christ  knew 
that,  instead  of  the  unbelieving  Jews,  pagan  nations,  living  under 
the  dominion  of  Eome,  would  be  instructed  in  His  holy  faith  ; 
(2)  because  a  larger  number  of  martyrs  triumphed  in  that  city 
than  in  any  other  in  the  world  ;  (3)  likewise,  that  it  might  be 
known  that  neither  locality  nor  antiquity,  but  steadfast  faith 


JOHN   HUS  AS  A   SCHOOL   DIVINE.  341 

is  the  foundation  of  the  Church  of  Christ.  And  thus  the  Eoman 
Church  and  the  Catholic  Church  are  one  only  in  name,  and 
Christ  always  remains  the  one  Head  of  the  Church,  the  only 
true  Pope.  According  to  the  nature  of  the  Catholic  Church  the 
Pope  or  Bishop  of  Piome  is  not  and  cannot  be  its  head ;  it  is 
possible  that  he  may  not  be  even  a  member  of  it ;  but  he  is  the 
vicar  or  representative  of  Peter  in  the  government  of  the  Church 
militant,  if  he  follows  the  morals  of  Peter ;  if  not,  he  is  rather 
the  representative  of  Judas. 

"For  salvation,  and  thei'efore  for  a  given  person  to  be  a 
member  of  the  Church  of  Christ,  faith  is  indispensably  neces- 
sary, for  the  existence  whereof  two  things  are  requisite ;  (1) 
the  truth,  which  enlightens  the  reason,  and  (2)  authority, 
which  strengthens  the  spirit.  He  who  is  to  be  saved  must  be 
a  believer ;  a  believer  is  one  who  wavers  not  in  faith  that  has 
been  instilled  by  God,  but  holds  iirmly  to  the  truth  as  given  by 
God,  and  is  ready  to  give  his  life  for  it ;  and  in  this  way  every 
one  is  bound  to  believe  all  the  truth,  which  the  Holy  Spirit  has 
placed  in  holy  scripture.  This  is  the  highest  authority  in  the 
faith  ;  not  so  the  statements  of  holy  doctors  or  the  pope's  bulls, 
whereto  it  is  proper  to  give  credence  only  so  far  as  they  state 
something  out  of  holy  scripture,  or  that  is  founded  on  scripture; 
the  Pope  of  Pome  with  his  curia  is  fallible. 

The  case  is  similar  with  the  power  assigned  to  the  vicars  of 
Christ  upon  earth,  or  with  the  keys  of  the  Church.  In  the  first 
place,  this  power  is  not  material  or  secular,  but  spiritual,  and 
therefore  the  keys  of  the  Church  are  in  the  first  place  the 
knowledge  of  the  teaching  of  holy  scripture  and  the  science  of 
distinguishing  ;  secondly,  a  judicial  power,  whereby  the  spiritual 
judge  ought  to  receive  the  worthy  into,  and  expel  the  unworthy 
out  of,  the  kingdom,  i.e.  the  Church.  In  its  proper  sense,  this 
power  over  the  Church  can  only  be  possessed  by  the  Holy  Trinity, 
as  predestining  to  salvation,  and  therefore  internally  only  by 
Christ,  who  is  God  and  Man ;  but  the  authorities  of  the  Church 
have  this  power  instrumentally  or  ministerially.  No  one  loses 
grace  except  by  sin ;  and  to  obtain  grace  repentance  is  necessary, 
.whereunto  God  softens  the  heart,  and  confession,  after  which  of 


342  JOHN   HUS. 


His  infinite  mercy  God  releases  from  eternal  perdition,  whicli 
release  the  priest  announces;  and  finally,  giving  of  satisfac- 
tion and  pm-ification,  wliicli  the  priest  imposes.  Every  priest, 
therefore,  or  ecclesiastical  authority,  has  the  power  of  binding 
and  loosing,  but  nothing  can  be  bound  or  loosed  on  earth  which 
would  not  be  previously  bound  or  loosed  in  heaven.  On 
reasonable  grounds  some  things  are  committed  to  all  authorities 
alike,  some  are  reserved  to  superior  authorities  only." 

Such  are  the  main  tlieoretical  outlines  of  this 
remarkable  work,  a  good  deal  of  which  is,  however, 
devoted  to  polemical  controversy  on  the  questions 
of  the  day,  and  to  the  refutation  of  the  positions  of 
Hus's  opponents.  Quotations  are  so  ingeniously 
dovetailed  into  the  argument,  that  it  is  often  diffi- 
cult to  distinguish  them  from  the  words  of  the 
author,  who  is  careful  to  say  as  little  as  he 
possibly  can  from  himself,  while  he  works  as  much 
as  he  possibly  can  behind  the  shield  of  some 
standard  authority  generally  accepted  or  regarded 
at  the  day.  I  take  my  first  extract  from  the  con- 
clusion of  the  fourth  chapter.  It  contains  a  dis- 
tinction, on  which  Hus  himself  lays  special  stress : — 

"  It  is  hence  manifest  that  there  are  two  kinds  of  separatiun 
from  the  Church.  The  first  is  irremovable  (indeperdiht'Iis), 
even  as  all  the  'foreknown'  are  separated  from  the  Church. 
The  second  is  removable  {deperdibilis),  as  some  heretics  are  by 
removable  sin  separated  from  the  Holy  Church,  yet  may  by 
God's  grace  come  to  the  fold  of  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ.  Of  such 
Ho  saith  himself  in  the  tenth  of  John :  '  Other  sheep  have  I, 
which  are  not  of  this  fold,  and  them  I  must  bring.'  Other 
sheep  He  had  according  to  jiredcstination,  which  were  not  of 
this  fold  and  of  His  Church  according  to  present  righteousness, 
but  which  He  brought  to  life  by  His  grace.    And  this  distinction 


JOHN   HUS  AS  A   SCHOOL   DIVINE.  343 

between  predestination  and  present  grace  is  mucli  to  be  noticed. 
For  some  are  sheep  according  to  predestination,  and  ravening 
wolves  according  to  present  unrighteousness,  as  Augustine, 
commenting  on  John,  deduces.  Similarly,  some  are  sons  ac- 
cording to  predestination,  but  not  yet  according  to  present 
grace." 

In  chapter  xv.,  after  saying  liow  certain  it  was 
that  the  clergy  of  the  Church  "'  halted  into  two 
parts  "  {claudicat  in  diuis  iiartes),  i.e.  the  clergy  of 
Christ  and  the  clergy  of  antichrist,  wherefore  the 
laity,  who  were  dependent  upon  them  for  support, 
could  not  possibly  help  tottering,  when  the  clergy 
were  so  different  in  opinion  and  life,  Hus  proceeds ; — 

"  These  two  parts  may  best  be  distinguished  in  this  way, 
that  the  clergy  of  antichrist  exerts  itself  more  energetically  for 
the  defence  of  human  traditions  and  privileges,  which  protect 
the  pride  or  lucre  of  the  world,  and  desires  to  live  vainglori- 
ously,  voluptuously,  and  unlike  Christ,  putting  the  imitation 
of  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  in  morals  into  the  background  ;  but 
the  clergy  of  Christ  labours  diligently  for  Christ's  laws  and  His 
privileges,  whereby  spiritual  good  is  acquired  for  manifestation, 
eschews  pride  and  the  jDleasure  of  the  world,  and  seeks  to  live 
conformably  to  Christ,  attending  most  carefully  to  the  following 
of  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ.  Nor  can  a  faithful  believer  disbelieve 
that  the  latter  part  is  true  and  the  former  in  error.  And 
although  a  man  on  his  pilgrimage  cannot  without  a  revelation 
recognize  for  certain  a  true  and  holy  shepherd,  yet  from  his 
works,  which  are  conformable  to  Christ's  law,  he  ought  to 
suppose  that  he  is  such." 

In  chapter  xvi.  Hus  argues  against  the  punish- 
ment of  death  for  heresy  : — 

"  As  to  what  I  conceive  to  be  the  principal  intention  of  the 
doctors,  whereby  they  mean  that  the  pope  ought  to  be  judge  of 


844  JOHN  HUS. 


all  causes,  and  he  who  obeys  Lira  not  ought  to  die  the  death  of 
the  body,  the  doctors  ought  to  be  ashamed  of  their  apish  and 
cruel  parity  of  reasoning,  especially  as  Christ  Jesus  our  Lord 
would  neither  judge  as  a  civil  judge,  nor  condemn  a  disobedient 
person  to  the  death  of  the  body.  For  as  to  the  first,  He  said  in 
Luke  xii. :  '  0  man,  why  makest  thou  Me  a  judge  or  divider  over 
you  ? '  And  as  to  the  second,  He  said  to  the  woman  taken  in 
adultery,  who  the  Pharisees  said  was  liable  to  death  according  to 
the  law  (John  viii.)  :  '  Neither  shall  I  condemn  thee,  go  and  sin 
no  more.'  But,  because  it  might  be  said  by  the  doctors,  This 
is  not  to  the  point,  because  the  law  saith,  '  He  who  is  proud 
and  refuseth  to  obey  the  command  of  the  priest,'  I  will  give  a 
case  exactly  in  point.  In  Matt,  xviii.  Christ  saith  :  '  If  thy 
brother  sin  against  thee,  go  and  reproA^e  him  between  thee  and 
him  alone  ;  if  he  hear  thee,  thou  hast  gained  thy  brother.  But 
if  he  hear  thee  not,  take  with  thee  one  or  two,  that  in  the 
mouth  of  two  or  three  witnesses  every  word  may  be  established. 
But  if  he  hear  them  not,  tell  it  to  the  Church  ;  but  if  he  hear 
not  the  Church,  let  him  be  to  thee  as  a  heathen  and  a  publican.' 
To  whom  was  it  but  to  Peter,  the  future  Koman  pontiff  after 
Himself,  that  the  supreme  Lord  of  law  and  Pontiff  said,  that  he 
should  piously  reprove  by  himself  an  erring  person,  should  con- 
vict before  witnesses  a  disobedient  one,  should  publish  one  per- 
sisting in  disobedience  to  the  Church,  that  is,  to  the  multitude ; 
and  should  not  put  to  death  corporally,  but  avoid  as  a  publican 
and  heathen,  one  obstinate  and  not  obeying  the  Church  ?  What 
pretence,  then,  is  there  for  arguing  by  parity  of  reasoning  {a 
simili) :  Under  the  old  law  a  disobedient  person  ought  to  be 
put  to  death,  therefore  he  ought  to  be  so  also  under  the  law  of 
grace  ?  Hence  Christ's  disciples  were  deceived  by  that  subtlety 
of  arguing  from  parity  of  reasoning.  For  when,  like  the  prophet 
Elias,  they  wanted  to  destroy  the  Samaritans,  who  would  not 
receive  Christ,  with  fire  from  heaven,  saying,  '  Lord,  wilt  Thou 
that  we  bid  fire  come  down  from  heaven  and  destroy  them  ? 
the  most  pious  of  Pontiffs  and  best  of  Magisters  reproved 
them.  For  nest  comes :  '  And  He  turned  and  rebuked  them, 
saying,  Know  ye  not  of  what  spirit  ye  are  ?  For  the  Son  of  Man 
came  not  to  destroy  lives,  but  to  save  them,'  Luke  ix." 


JOHN   HUS  AS   A   SCHOOL   DIVINE.  345 

It  is  interesting  in  the  same  chapter  to  find  Hus 
quoting  Juvenal,  and  thus  showing  an  acquaint- 
ance, not  only  with  Aristotle  and  the  philosophical 
writers  commonly  studied  by  theologians,  but  also 
wdth  a  wider  range  of  classical  authors.  Quoting 
Isaiah  ix.,  "  The  prophet  speaking  falsehood,  he  is 
the  tail,"  Hus  asserts  that ; — 

"  The  tcail  and  the  prophet  speaking  falsehood  is  the  learned 
clergy,  teaching  that  the  pope  is  neither  a  god  nor  a  man,  but 
a  mingled  god  or  an  earthly  god ;  teaching  that  the  pope  can 
give  me  the  property  of  another,  and  I  shall  be  safe  ;  that  the 
pope  can  depose  a  bishop  without  cause ;  that  he  can  grant  dis- 
pensation against  an  aj)ostle,  against  an  oath,  against  a  vow, 
against  the  law  of  nature,  and  that  no  one  has  a  right  to  say  to 
him.  Why  doest  thou  this  ?  because  he  can  lawfully  say  :  '  Sic 
volo,  sic  jubeo,  sit  pro  ratione  voluntas  '  ('  Thus  I  will,  thus  I 
command,  let  my  will  be  in  the  stead  of  a  reason '),  and  thus  is 
impeccable ;  and  that  he  cannot  commit  simony,  because  all 
things  are  his,  and  therefore  he  can  do  as  he  pleases  with  them, 
since  he  can  even  command  angels  and  save  men  or  damn 
whom  he  will." 

I  will  finish  my  extracts  from  the  "  De  Ecclesia  " 
with  a  passage  in  which  Hus  argues  very  forcibly 
against  "  Interdicts  "  in  general ; — 

"  Hence  I  always  want  to  know  the  foundation  or  reason  of 
a  general  interdict,  whereby  the  righteous  are  without  fault 
deprived  of  the  sacraments,  as  communion,  confession,  and  the 
rest,  and  sometimes  little  children  of  baptism.  Likewise,  why 
God's  ministry  is  diminished  among  righteous  men  by  an  inter- 
dict imposed  on  account  of  a  single  person.  It  would  be  very 
marvellous  if  an  earthly  king  were  deprived  of  service  on  the 
part  of  all  his  good  servants  on  account  of  one  servant  of  his 
who  was  adverse  to  him.  And  altogether  so,  if  on  account  of 
one  who  was  a  good  and  faithful  servant  of  the  king,  a  vassal. 


346  JOHN  HUS. 


■wishing  to  bend  that  servant  to  his  will,  forbad  all  the  king's 
servants  to  perform  their  duties  to  the  king  himself.  How  is  it, 
then,  that  a  pope  or  bishop  so  inconsiderately,  without  scripture 
or  a  revelation,  quite  lightly  forbids  the  exercise  of  the  ministry 
of  Christ  the  King?  For  when  a  general  interdict  is  imj^osed 
on  a  city  or  diocese,  sin  is  not  diminished  but  increased." 

Passages  from  this  work  and  from  Hiis's  replies 
to  Stephen  Paleez  and  Stanislas  of  Znaym  were 
brought  against  him  at  his  trial,  but  the  above  will 
be  sufficient  to  exhibit  the  general  style  of  his  Latin 
writings.     Palecz's  pamphlet,  which  has  not  come 
down   to   us,   appears   to   have  rung  the  changes 
pretty  vigorously  upon  the  words,  "  Quldam  autem 
de  clero    in  regno  Bohemias,"  which   are   several 
times  repeated  in  the  "  counsel  "  of  the  Faculty  of 
Theology,  dated  February  6th,  1413,  and  hence  to 
have  nicknamed  Hus  and  his  j)arty  "  Quidamistse." 
Hus  retorts  by  terming  Paleez,  "  Fictor  Quidamis- 
ta,"  ''the  Quidamist  concoctor,"  from  having  con- 
cocted this  nickname.     Paleez  rejoins  by  calling 
Hus's  answer  "  Qiddmmon,'"  i.e.  "  Quidamdsemon;" 
for  it  must  have  been,  he  considered,  an  evil,  not 
a  good,  sinrit  that  inspired  Hus  to  write  it.     The 
controversy  is  lively  enough,  but,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  a  limitation  specially  quoted  and  several 
times  referred  to  during  Hus's  trial,  does  not  add 
much  to  the  matter  of  the  greater  work  "De  Eccle- 
sia,"  which  is  really  a  symbolical  book,  both  as 
regards  Hus  himself  and  the  subsequent  Bohemian 
Church.     Palecz's  change  of  mind  after  declaring 
that  Pope  John's  bull  on  Indulgences   and    the 


JOHN  HUS  AS  A  SCHOOL   DIVINE.  347 

crusade  contained  many  ''palpable  errors,"  "crrorcs 
manii  pcdiyihiles,"  gives  Hus  abundant  opportunity 
of  taunting  him  vith  inconsistency,  servility,  and 
cowardice. 

I  give  one  extract  from  the  reply  to  Palecz,  and 
shall  then  leave  the  further  consideration  of  Hus 
as  a  school  divine,  a  light  in  vhich  we  have  already 
seen  a  good  deal  of  him  during  his  trial  at  Con- 
stance:— 

"  Let  tlien  the  Concoctor  know' that  the  ascension  of  Christ 
did  not  decapitate  the  Church  militant  and  sever  it  from  Christ 
its  Head,  but  that  by  the  ascension  the  Church  militant  is  in  its 
Head  wondrously  exalted  above  all  angels,  above  every  power 
and  virtue  and  dominion.  Let  the  Concoctor  also  know  that 
the  grace  of  predestination  is  the  bond,  whereby  the  body  of  the 
Church  and  every  member  thereof  is  joined  to  Christ  the  Head, 
— indissolubly  joined,  as  the  apostle  saith  in  Eom.  viii. :  '  Who 
shall  separate  us  from  the  love  of  Christ  ?  tribulation,  or  straits, 
or  persecution  ? '  And  below :  '  Nor  can  any  other  creature 
separate  us  from  the  love  of  God,  which  is  in  Christ  Jesus.' 
Here  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  apostle,  a  member  of  the 
Church,  speaks  for  all  members  of  the  Church  who  are  united 
■with  Christ  the  Head  by  the  love  of  God,  which  is  the  grace  of 
predestination.  Nay,  the  Head  Himself  saith  in  John  x. : 
'  My  sheep  hear  My  voice,  and  I  know  them,  and  they  follow 
Me,  and  I  give  them  eternal  life,  and  no  one  shall  snatch  them 
out  of  My  hand.'  Let,  then,  the  Concoctor  understand  that  the 
union  of  the  Church,  the  body,  and  Christ,  the  head,  is  not  a 
corporeal  one,  but  the  spiritual  grace  of  predestination,  and 
lastly  the  grace  of  present  righteousness,  by  which  Christ  Him- 
self dwells  in  the  Church  and  its  members,  guiding  it  with 
its  members  towards  obtaining  a  life  of  glory.  And  I  should 
like  the  Quidamist  Concoctor  to  tell  me  who  is  the  head 
of  the  Church  dormant?  For  if,  by  His  ascension,  Christ 
ceased  to  be  the    Head  of  the  Church    militant,    it    appears 


34)8  JOHN   HUS. 


with,  equal  or  greater  manifestness  that  He  ceased  to  be  the 
Head  of  the  Church  dormant.  But  I  know  that  He  will 
not  be  able  to  assign  any  other  Head  save  the  Lord  Jesus 
Christ.  But  when  the  Concoctor  saith  further  that  Christ  gave 
Peter  and  his  successors  to  the  Church  militant  to  keep  a 
corporeal  head  upon  the  earth  till  the  end  of  the  world,  I  should 
bo  glad  to  hear  from  him  how  Peter  was  the  corporeal  head  of 
the  Church,  when  Peter  himself  was  not  united  to  the  Church 
by  any  corporeal  bond.  For  the  power  of  Christ,  whereby  Peter 
ruled  the  Church,  was  not  corporeal,  but  spiritual.  Similarly 
the  grace  of  predestination,  or  even  grace  that  does  what  is 
pleasing  according  to  present  righteousness,  whereby  Peter,  as 
a  member  of  the  Church,  was  united  to  the  Church,  was  not 
corporeal.  How,  then,  was  Peter,  or  any  other  successor  of  his, 
the  corporeal  head  of  the  Church  militant  ?  The  Concoctor 
must  invent  some  mode,  which,  as  I  think,  he  will  not  make 
good." 

How  difficult  it  seems  to  have  been  for  Hns,  as 
a  school  divine  and  writing  in  Latin,  to  keep  for 
any  length  of  time  aloof  from  his  theory  of  pre- 
destination !  Yet  how  small  a  part  does  it  play  in 
his  Bohemian  writings  !  Over-subtlety  and  over- 
refinement  exhibit  themselves  also  to  a  far  greater 
extent  in  Hus's  Latin  than  in  his  Bohemian 
works.  And  in  reading  the  former,  no  one  can 
help  observing  the  justice  and  good  sense  of  Lord 
Henry  Lacembok's  advice  to  him,  as  recorded  by 
himself  in  one  of  his  Latin  letters:  " Dohry  muzi, 
nehhqiaj !  "  "  Good  man,  don't  subtilize  !  "  (Letter 
50  in  the  Documenta.) 


(    349    ) 


CHAPTER  XII. 

JOHN    HUS    AS    A   WRITER    IN    HIS    NATIVE    LANGUAGE. 

The  collected  Latin  writings  of  John  Hus  have 
been  long  before  the  world,  although  the  collection 
is  by  no  means  perfect,  but  errs  both  on  the  side 
of  excess  and  on  that  of  defect.  But  his  writings 
in  his  native  Bohemian  tongue  were  collected  and 
many  of  them  printed  for  the  first  time  in  three 
volumes,  edited  by  the  late  K.  J.  Erben,  Archivarins 
of  the  Old  Town  of  Prague,  and  published  in  the 
years  1865,  1866,  and  1868.  We  can  now  know 
this  extraordinary  man,  not  only  as  a  school  divine 
and  as  a  controversionalist  among  theologians,  but 
as  a  living  and  moving  power  in  his  own  country, 
addressing  his  brethren  and  speaking  to  their 
hearts  in  their  own  native  tongue. 

The  first  work  that  meets  the  eye  in  the  first 
volume  consists  of  longer  and  shorter  expositions 
of  the  creed,  the  ten  commandments,  and  the  Lord's 
prayer.  Hus  introduces  the  treatise  and  gives  his 
reasons  for  writing  it  in  the  following  words  : — 

"  Every  Christian  who  possesses  understanding,  if  he  wishes 
to  be  saved,  must  fulfil  God's  law  and  pray  to  God.     With 


850  JOHN  HUS. 


respect  to  the  first,  the  Saviour  said  :  '  He  that  believeth  shall 
he  saved,  and  he  that  believeth  not  shall  be  damned.'  With 
respect  to  the  second  he  says :  '  If  thou  wilt  enter  into  life 
keep  the  commandments.'  With  respect  to  the  third  he 
saith:  'Men  ought  to  pray.'  Since  these  things  are  thus 
necessary  to  a  man  for  eternal  life,  it  is  good  that  he  should 
become  acquainted  with  them  ;  that,  being  acquainted  with 
them,  he  should  understand  them,  and  that,  understanding 
them,  he  should  fulfil  them  in  practice.  And  since  without 
faith  it  is  impossible  to  please  God,  St.  Paul  saith:  'AVith 
the  heart  man  believeth  unto  righteousness,  and  with  the 
mouth  confession  is  made  unto  salvation;'  and  a  man  can- 
not believe  God  and  in  God  unless  he  hearkens  to  Him,  and 
how  shall  he  hearken  to  Him  unless  some  one  instruct  him  ? 

"  Because  I  am  a  priest  sent  by  God,  in  the  hope  that  I 
should  teach  the  people  to  believe,  to  fulfil  the  commandments 
of  God,  and  to  pray  to  God  aright,  I  wish  briefly  to  expound 
those  three  things  to  simple  people.  And  since  to  a  person 
desiring  to  draw  near  to  God,  the  first  thing  necessary  is  faith, 
as  a  first  foundation  in  God ;  the  second,  keeping  of  the  com- 
mandments ;  and  the  third,  suitable  prayer  ;  therefore  I  desire, 
first,  to  make  known  the  Great  King  to  His  courtier  in  the 
creed ;  secondly,  His  commandments ;  and  then  prayer,  that, 
knowing  his  Lord  and  keeping  His  commandments,  he  may, 
with  propriety,  venture  to  beseech  his  God,  and  He  be  pleased 
to  hearken  to  him.  Therefore,  thou  that  desirest  to  serve  in 
the  court  of  the  greatest  of  Kings,  oughtest  thus  to  know  Him 
with  the  heart,  that  is,  to  believe,  and  with  the  mouth,  if  it  be 
necessary,  to  confess  Him  before  men  unto  death." 

Then  follows  the  Apostles'  Creed,  commented 
upon  article  by  article.  The  following  is  a  striking 
passage  on  the  "  foundation  of  faith "  {zalozenic 
vienj),  chapter  v. : — 

"  Likewise  also  ought  all  Christians  to  believe  what  God  hath 
commanded  to  be  believed ;  even  though  every  man  may  not 


HUS  AS  A  WRITER  IN  HIS  NATIVE  LANGUAGE.     851 

know  all  that  ought  to  be  believed,  yet  he  is  ready  and  ought 
to  be  ready,  when  the  truth  is  shown  him  out  of  the  holy 
scriptures,  to  receive  it  gladly,  and  should  he  hold  anything 
contrary  to  the  scripture,  to  forsake  it  immediately.  And  it 
is  good  for  every  man  not  to  hold  anything  rashly ;  but,  when 
he  comes  to  know  God's  truth,  to  hold  it  firmly  even  unto 
death,  for  the  truth  will  eventually  make  him  free ;  for  the 
Lord  Jesus  saith :  '  If  ye  continue  in  My  word,  then  will  ye  be 
My  disciples  indeed,  and  ye  shall  know  the  truth,  and  the 
truth  shall  make  you  free.'  Therefore,  faithful  Christian ! 
seek  the  truth,  hearken  to  the  truth,  learn  the  truth,  hold 
the  truth,  defend  the  truth,  even  unto  death  ;  for  the  truth 
will  make  thee  free  from  sin,  from  the  devil,  from  the  death 
of  the  soul,  and  finally  from  everlasting  death,  which  is 
everlasting  separation  from  the  favour  of  God,  and  from  all 
the  bliss  of  salvation,  which  bliss  he  will  obtain  who  bclieveth 
in  God  and  in  Jesus  Christ,  who  is  Very  God  and  Very  Man." 

Hus  gives  his  sentiments  on  the  power  of  the 
priesthood  in  causing  the  real  presence  in  the 
Eucharist  in  chapter  ix. : — 

"  From  these  testimonies  thou  hast  that  the  priests  talk 
foolishly  and  erroneously,  when  they  say  :  '  We  can,  when  we 
will,  create  God  or  the  body  of  God.'  As  if  they  were  creators 
of  their  Creator,  and  that  when,  all  together,  they  cannot  create 
a  single  fly !  And  thus  speaking  they  howl  like  wolves, 
desiring  to  exalt  themselves  above  the  laity  and  extend  the 
sphere  of  their  covetousness.  And  in  token  thereof  they  preach 
with  respect  to  the  new  masses,  that  the  priest  is  more  worthy 
than  the  Mother  of  God,  and  that  he  creates  the  body  of  God, 
and  they  prove  it  thus  :  '  The  Mother  of  God  bore  Him  once, 
but  the  priest  creates  Him  often  and  when  he  pleases; 
and  thus  by  one  error  they  prove  another.  But  the  humble 
priest  does  not  exalt  himself  above  the  Virgin  Mary,  or  say  that 
he  is  the  creator  of  Christ,  the  Son  of  God,  but  that  the  Lord 
Christ  by  His  power  and  word,  through  him,  causes  that  which 


352  JOHN   HUS. 

is  bread  to  be  His  body ;  not  thcat  at  that  time  it  began  to  be 
His,  but  that  there  on  the  altar  begins  to  be  sacramentally,  in 
the  form  of  the  bread,  what  previously  was  not  there  and 
therein." 

The  first  mention  of  Wycliffe  occurs  in  chcapter 
XX.,  in  considering  the  question  of  the  i^ower  of  the 
keys.  After  narrating  the  raising  of  Lazarus,  Hus 
proceeds  : — 

"  In  this  fact  thou  hast,  that  God  the  Father  and  Christ  and 
Christ's  call  restored  Lazarus  to  life,  and  the  disciples  looked 
on  in  readiness,  and  then,  at  the  word  of  command,  loosed  him 
when  living.  So  it  is  in  the  remission  of  mortal  sins,  when  a 
dead  soul  is  to  revive.  God  Himself  cleanseth  it  by  His  power 
from  internal  stain,  remits  its  sin,  and  unbinds  it  through 
Christ's  merits  from  the  debt  of  everlasting  death ;  but  the 
priest  cannot  do  this,  i.e.  cannot  thus  cleanse  and  revive  the 
soul,  but  he  has  power  to  loose  and  to  bind,  that  is,  to  declare 
people  bound  and  loosed.  Therefore  Christ  first  revived  Lazarus, 
and  they  afterwards  loosed  him,  that  he  might  see  and  walk 
freely  ;  and  also  He  first  healed  the  lepers  Himself,  and  after- 
ward sent  them  to  the  priest,  that  they  (the  priests)  might  give 
testimony  to  Christ,  that  He  had  healed  them  (the  lepers),  and 
might  also  declare  to  them  that  they  could  with  safety  dwell 
publicly  in  the  congregation.  And  thus  thou  hast,  that  it  is 
impossible  for  the  priest  to  remit  the  sins  of  any  one  unless 
they  are  first  remitted  by  God  and  by  Christ,  the  Grand  Priest, 
and  His  merits.  Therefore  saith  the  magister  of  deep 
THOUGHTS,  that  God  does  not  follow  the  judgment  of  the 
priest,  who  often  judges  treacherously  and  ignorantly,  but  God 
always  judges  according  to  truth." 

There  is  a  heaviness  about  the  "  Exposition  of  the 
Ten  Commandments,"  from  which  the  "  Exposition 
of  the  Creed  "  is  entirely  free,  and  which  does  not 
appear  so   decidedly  in  the   "Exposition   of  the 


HUS  AS  A  WRITER  IN  HIS  NATIVE  LANGUAGE.     353 

Lord's  Prayer."  Still  there  are  many  remarkable 
passages  in  it,  of  which  the  following  is  a  specimen 
from  chapter  xxxv.  After  quoting  a  passage  from 
the  third  decretal  of  Innocent  III.,  Hus  proceeds  : — 

"  This  is  tlie  great  constitution  of  Innocent  III.,  but,  because 
it  is  somewliat  adverse  to  the  purse  or  pocket  of  the  priest,  it 
is  not  liked ;  but,  were  it  observed,  they  would  perhaps  exhibit 
fewer  teeth  of  St.  Barbara  and  other  things  called  relics  by 
them.  And  believe  me,  it  is  thus  that  the  priests  publicly 
incite  people  to  offer  who  are  in  the  habit  of  giving  them  less 
than  formerly.  And  already  even  the  peasants  have  a  pro- 
verbial expression,  '  That  priest  is  a  capital  hand  at  bringing  in 
the  silver  conclusion,'  when  tliey  hear  him  saying  tliat  people 
are  to  approach  the  relic,  and  commend  themselves  to  it  and 
open  their  hearts,  that  is,  their  purses.  Nay,  I  once  heard  in  a 
sermon — God  is  my  witness  that  it  was  said  in  a  sermon  at  St. 
Henry's  in  the  New  Town  of  Prague — '  Know,  my  children, 
that  three  devils  have  come  to  this  festival;  one  to  close  the 
heart,  that  people  may  not  be  sorry  for  their  sins,  and,  children, 
that  is  a  wicked  devil;  a  second  to  close  their  mouths,  that  they 
may  not  pray  and  praise  God.  and,  children,  that  is  a  worse ; 
and  a  third  to  close  their  purses — ah !  children,  that  is  the 
worst !  Therefore,  dear  children,  do  not  allow  this  worst  devil  to 
close  your  purses  ;  approach  the  relic,  opening  your  purses  and 
pockets.' " 

In  chapter  xxxix.,  after  speaking  of  the  five  senses 
as  the  windows  through  which  sin  enters,  Hus  pro- 
ceeds in  language  which  exhibits  towards  the  end 
of  the  passage  what  we  may  almost  venture  to  call 
the  ne  ^liis  ultra  of  homely  illustration  : — 

"  These  windows  or  doors  ought  to  be  closed  in  Jerusalem, 
that  is,  in  a  man  who  desires  the  vision  of  the  divine  peace,  and 
especially  on  a  Sunday  or  holy  day,  lest  the  doors  should  be 

2  A 


354  JOHN  HUS. 


opened  to  vanity,  for  Jeremiali  saitli :  '  Take  heed  to  yourselves 
and  bear  no  burthens  on  the  Sabbath  day,  neither  bring  in  any 
burthen  through  the  gates  of  Jerusalem.'  Here  he  forbids  the 
"burthen  of  sin,  vrhich  is  called  the  talent  or  hundredweight 
of  lead,  as  saith  holy  Zachariah  the  prophet ;  for  sin  imme- 
diately by  its  weight  drew  Lucifer  from  the  highest  place  down 
to  the  lowest  hell.  And  therefore  sin  is  termed  grievous  or 
heavy,  for,  as  a  heavy  thing  always  drops  downwards,  as  far  as 
possible,  as  a  stone,  lead,  or  any  other  heavy  thing,  so  likewise 
does  sin  drag  the  soul  downwards,  but  it  does  not  feel  the 
■weight  unless  it  quits  the  body.  For  as  a  dog  in  a  boat  with  a 
large  stone  tied  to  his  neck  does  not  feel  the  weight  unless  he 
is  thrown  out  of  the  boat  and  drowned,  so  likewise  the  soul  does 
not  feel  the  weight  so  long  as  it  is  in  the  body,  but  when  once 
it  quits  the  body,  then  it  begins  to  feel  it,  when  it  falls  into  the 
depth  of  hell." 

In  cliapter  xli.,  Hiis  explains  his  views  on  the 
subject  of  election.  Strange  to  say,  no  word  corre- 
sponding to  'predestination  occurs  in  his  Bohemian 
words,  the  word  "  2)redvedcni/,"  "  foreknowii,"  (pr^- 
scitus)  being  the  nearest  approach  to  it.  The 
passage  runs  ; — 

"  Whoso  doth  actions  that  the  devil  commands,  and  loveth 
not  Christ  and  heareth  not  His  word  gladly,  the  same  hath  the 
devil  for  his  father,  not  by  creation,  but  by  wickedness ;  and 
he  hath  not  Christ  for  a  father  in  grace  here  below  at  that 
time,  although  another,  who  is  also  wicked,  is  God's  son,  elected 
from  eternity.  As  St.  Peter,  when  he  swore  falsely  that  he 
knew  not  Christ,  was  at  that  time  without  grace ;  yet  neverthe- 
less he  was  a  son  of  God  by  eternal  election,  although  he  was 
at  that  time  a  son  of  the  devil  through  mortal  sin.  In  the 
same  way  many  are  now  sinful  sons  of  the  devil  and  also  sons 
of  God ;  sons  of  the  devil  through  sin  for  a  time,  but  sons  of 
God  by  election  from  eternity;  and  when  they  repent,  like 


IIUS  AS  A  WHITER  IN  HIS  NATIVE  LANGUAGE.     355 

Peter,  they  cast  off  devilry  from  themselves  aud  become  sous  of 
God  only,  as  in  process  of  time  did  St.  Peter.  But  those  who 
are  in  mortal  sins  aud  remain  in  them,  these  are  sons  of  the 
devil  through  wickedness,  and  sons  of  God  by  creation,  by  pre- 
servation, and  by  nourishment,  but  not  by  grace  unto  sal- 
vation." 

In  chapter  Ixii.  occurs  a  remarkable  and  charac- 
teristic passage  on  slander  or  backbiting  : — • 

"  Alas!  how  greatly  have  backbiting  dogs  increased  in  num- 
ber, and  backbiting  has  already  become  such  a  habit  that  it  is 
not  considered  a  sin.  For  priests,  when  just  about  to  robe 
themselves  in  the  mass  vestments  for  the  mass,  practise  back- 
biting. God  is  my  witness,  that  I  have  heard  it  myself !  And 
after  mass,  when  tliey  meet  at  table,  they  devour  living  before 
they  eat  cooked  flesh.  And  what  is  a  more  grievous  slander 
than  to  call  a  neighbour  a  heretic?  And  thus  they  serve  the 
devil  more  than  the  Lord  God,  as  St.  Augustine  saith,  on 
account  of  their  backbiting.  Likewise  lay  people,  monks  and 
nuns,  practise  backbiting  a  little  less,  or  perhaps  still  more, 
settle  the  whole  world,  the  quick  and  the  dead,  but  forget  them- 
selves. Oh  !  if  they  remembered  what  they  repeat  in  the 
hours,  how  the  holy  David  saith  :  '  With  him  that  slandereth 
his  neighbour,  with  him  I  have  not  eaten ! '  Oh !  with  whom 
could  a  true  man  eat  now,  if  he  refused  to  eat  with  a  backbiter, 
when  backbiting  is  everj^where  a  dish  at  table,  especially  at  a 
priest's  table?  At  which  they  sit  still  and  eat,  putting  one 
piece  into  the  mouth  and  letting  out  ten  calumnious  words. 
And  they  devour  their  neighbour  with  less  compassion  than 
the  cooked  meat,  for  they  do  not  gnash  their  teeth  at  the  meat 
as  they  do  at  their  neighbour.  Therefore  saith  the  righteous 
man  through  David :  '  They  gnashed  upon  me  with  their 
teeth.' " 

Proceeding  to  the  "  Exposition  of  the  Lord's 
Praj^r,"  it   is   not  long  before   we  meet   (chapter 


356  JOHN  HUS. 


Ixxxi.)  with  a  passage  on  prayer,  the  language  of 
which  is  singularly  homely  and  forcible  : — ■ 

"  Prayer  Las  the  fire  of  love,  whicla  raises  it  mightily  towards 
God,  and  two  wiugs,  that  is  to  say,  recognition  of  our  own 
wickedness  and  of  God's  mercy.  These  two  good  wings  bear 
prayer  up  to  God  along  with  love ;  for,  if  there  be  not  love, 
prayer  does  not  ascend  to  God,  and  if  there  be  not  holy  thoughts 
which  clarify  prayer,  and  devotion  besides,  then  prayer  smokes 
fetidly.  Therefore,  dear  brother,  if  thou  hast  not  love  and  hol\' 
thoughts  and  devotion,  stink  not  and  smoke  not.  0  dear  God ! 
how  often  do  I,  sinful  man  that  I  am,  stink  and  smoke  against 
Thy  holy  love !  " 

In  chapter  Ixxxvii.  we  have  a  most  exquisite  and 
eloquent  piece  of  exegesis,  which  may  well  stand  in 
contrast  with  the  rugged  language  just  quoted  : 

"  But  since  we  know  that  God  accepts  not  persons,  therefore 
wc  say  not  apart  from  others :  '  My  Father  ! '  but  humbly  and 
socially:  *  Our  Father?'  For  as  dignity  in  the  world  neither 
severs  nor  excepts  any  one  from  misery  or  death,  so  likewise 
neither  does  it  sever  or  except  from  equal  participation  in  the 
grace  of  God  ;  but  in  proportion  as  that  dignity  gives  occasion 
of  pride  to  the  elevated,  so  doth  it  immediately  render  them 
more  unworthy  and  rejected  before  the  eyes  of  the  most  right- 
eous Judge.  And  hence  I  infer  that  proud,  great  men  in  the 
world  are  still  more  rejected  before  God  on  account  of  their 
non-humble  prayer ;  for  since  the  Almighty  Saviour  is  not 
ashamed  to  call  us  wretches  brethren,  as  St.  Paul  saith,  and 
since  He  saith :  '  Whoso  shall  do  the  will  of  My  heavenly 
Father,  the  same  is  My  mother,  and  sister,  and  brother,'  how  is 
it  that  inflated  wretches  are  ashamed  to  be  called  the  brethren 
of  all  Christians  ?  What  is  this  but  that  they  wish  to  be  above 
Christ,  although  they  say  it  not  with  their  lips?  But  not  thus 
speak  humble  sons,  who  say  lovingly  and  humbly,  remember- 
ing their  Father's  instruction  :  '  Our  Father,  who  art  in  heaven  ! 
Our  Father,  powerful  iu  might,  who  art   our  Creator!    Our 


HUS  AS  A  WRITER  IN  HIS  NATIVE  LANGUAGE.     357 

Father,  sweet  in  loving  !  Our  Father,  rich  in  inheritance  !  Our 
Father,  merciful  in  redemption  !  Our  Father,  able  to  protect ! 
Our  Father,  always  ready  to  listen ! '  See  what  manner  of 
Father  is  ours,  who  is  in  heaven  !  " 

We  now  come  to  a  very  finished  work,  one  tliat 
would  bear  translation  as  a  whole,  and  which  is 
interesting  from  its  noble  morality,  loftiness  of 
tone  and  bearing  upon  matters  discussed  in  our 
own  country  in  our  own  da}'.  It  is  intituled,  "  0 
Si-atokupectvi,'"  "Of  Traffic  in  Holy  Things,"  i.e. 
"Of  Simony." 

After  proving  simony  to  be  a  kind  of  heresy, 
Hus  proceeds  to  divide  heresy  into  three  stems — 
apostacy,  blasphemy,  and  simony — each  of  which 
he  explains  by  instances.  He  then  divides  those 
guilty  of  simony  into  the  followers  of  Simon, 
Gehazi,  Balaam,  Jeroboam,  and  Judas,  each  of 
which  classes  he  examines  separately.  Then  in 
chapter  iv.  he  raises  the  question  whether  the  pope 
can  be  guilty  of  simony,  proves  that  he  can  be  so 
in  three  several  ways,  and  disproves  the  various 
excuses  commonly  brought  forward  in  his  defence. 
In  chapter  v.  he  inquires  how  bishops  can  fall  into 
simony,  and  examines  the  excuses  alleged  in  their 
defence.  From  this  chapter  I  extract  a  criticism 
on  the  position  of  titular  bishops,  whose  dioceses 
are  in  partibus  infidelium,  and  who  thus  are  bishops 
in  little  more  than  name,  and  whose  conduct  was 
not  always  what  it  ought  to  be ; — 

"  Likewise  wild  bishops  excuse  themselves  by  saying  that 
they  should  not  have  the  means  of  life  and  existence  if  they 


858  JOHN   HUS. 


did  not  take  money  for  consecrations.  But  the  first  answer  is: 
Since  such  a  one  is  the  representative  or  assistant  of  a  bishop, 
let  the  bishop  give  him  what  he  requires,  for  he  maintains 
other  t^entlemen,  and  many  of  them,  who  do  not  appertain  to 
the  episcopal  office.  The  second  answer  is :  Let  the  wild  bishop 
live  in  poverty,  like  Peter  and  Paul  the  apostles,  and  preach 
the  word  of  God.  And  the  third  answer  is :  Let  him  go  and 
preach  to  the  people  from  which  he  has  the  title  of  bishop. 
But,  alas !  they  have  the  title  and  do  not,  as  they  ought,  do 
good  among  the  people,  over  which  they  have  been  created 
bishops.  Therefore  the  Bohemian  who  gave  them  the  name 
*  wild  bishops '  (plant  hisTcupove),  did  it,  perhaps,  because  they 
do  little  good  amongst  people,  especially  the  people  of  their  own 
bishopric.  And  the  fourth  answer  is  :  Let  people  ask  him  why 
he  got  himself  consecrated,  knowing  that  be  had  no  intention 
of  going  to  the  people  in  question,  and  likewise  being  ignorant 
of  their  language.  And,  perhaps,  if  he  confessed  the  truth,  he 
would  admit  that  he  obtained  the  episcopal  rank  for  worldly 
dignity  and  for  freedom's  sake.  And  it  is  for  this  latter  reason 
that  monks  are  wont  to  become  these  '  wild '  bishops  and  patri- 
archs, as  is  manifest ;  for  then  they  escape  from  obedience  to 
the  authorities  of  their  order." 

The  sixth  and  seventh  chapters  examine  the 
simoniacal  practices  of  the  regular  and  secular 
clergy  respectively,  and  some  of  the  latter  are 
described  in  the  following  extract : — 

"  They  likewise  sell  holy  oil  dearer  than  other  oil,  and  that 
for  no  other  reason  than  that  it  is  holy  ;  taking  sometimes  two 
groschen,  sometimes  twelve  pfennigs,  and  sometimes  a  groschen. 
Then  for  thirty  masses  they  generally  take  thirty  groschen; 
and  this  is  perhaps  a  memorial  of  Judas,  who  sold  the  Saviour 
for  thirty  silver  pence.  And  some  priests  undertake  so  many 
masses,  that  if  one  served  five,  six,  or  ten  every  day,  he  could 
not  complete  thenr  in  fifteen  years.  But,  say  they,  '  How  am 
I  to  do  Avhen  a  person  comes  to  me,  wanting  thirty  masses,  and 


HUS  AS  A  WRITER  IN  HIS  NATIVE  LANGUAGE.     359 

entreats  me  ? '  And  I  reply  that  tliou  oughtest  to  say, '  Dear 
brother  1  all  the  masses  in  the  world  are  thine,  if  thou  art  in 
the  grace  of  God.  And  I  am  ordained  to  serve  the  mass,  when- 
ever I  can  by  the  grace  of  God,  so  that  I  ought  not  to  serve 
any  more  for  money  than  I  ought  to  serve  from  love ;  there- 
fore I  cannot  engage  myself  to  thee,  neither  is  it  proper  that  I 
should  do  so.     Go,  and  God  be  with  thee  ! '  " 

In  chapter  viii.  Hiis  examines  the  simony  of  lay- 
men ;  in  chapter  ix.  inquires  into  the  guilt  of  those 
who  aid  and  abet  or  assent  to  simony  ;  and  in  chap- 
ter X.  details  the  proper  methods  of  avoiding  and 
getting  rid  of  simony.  And  here  we  find  the  real 
secret  of  the  inveteracy  with  which  he  was  pursued 
by  the  higher  Eoman  clergy,  viz.  his  arguments 
from  the  Old  Testament  for  the  sujoremacy  of  the 
temporal  over  the  spiritual  power,  and  the  duty  of 
the  former  to  reform  the  abuses  of  the  latter  ;  and, 
finally,  his  proof  of  the  principle  from  "the  bull 
of  St.  Peter  (1  Pet.  ii.  13),  in  which  he  commandeth 
all  men  to  submit  to  the  king  as  supreme." 

The  conclusion  of  the  work,  which  is  dated 
Candlemas,  1413,  is  very  fine  : — 

"And  in  proof  that  we  ought  thus  to  measure  nearness  to 
the  Lord  Christ,  He  saith :  '  Whoso  doeth  the  will  of  My 
heavenly  Father,  the  same  is  My  brother,  My  mother,  and 
sister.'  And  again  He  saith  :  '  Ye  are  My  friends,  if  ye  do  those 
things  which  I  command  you.'  See  how  He  measures  nearness 
to  Himself  by  the  keeping  of  [His  commandments  !  .  .  .  And 
so  with  regard  to  other  truths,  which  are  laid  before  our  eyes 
that  we  may  indeed  press  to  them  and  follow  our  Saviour  Jesus 
Christ;  for  we  cannot  have  a  better  guide  and  teacher,  nor  any 
other  foundation  or  a  purer  mirror.     Therefore  after  Him  let  us 


S60  JOHN   HUS. 


go,  to  Him  let  us  listen,  and  on  Him  let  us  place  faith,  hope, 
love,  and  all  good  works  ;  on  Him,  as  into  a  mirror,  let  us  gaze, 
and  to  Him  let  us  approach  with  all  our  might !  And  let  us 
hear,  in  that  He  saith,  '  I  am  the  way,  the  truth,  and  the  life ' 
— the  way  in  example,  the  truth  in  promise,  and  the  life  in 
recompense.  The  way  in  example,  wherein  if  a  man  goes  he 
crreth  not ;  the  truth  in  promise,  for  what  He  hath  promised 
that  He  will  fulfil ;  and  the  life  in  recompense,  for  He  will  give 
Himself  to  be  enjoyed  in  everlasting  bliss.  He  is  also  the 
way,  because  He  leads  to  salvation ;  He  is  the  truth,  because 
He  shines  in  the  understanding  of  the  faithful ;  and  He  is  the 
life  everlasting,  in  which  all  the  elect  will  live  in  bliss  for  ever. 
To  that  life  and  by  that  way  and  truth  I  desire  to  go  myself 
and  to  draw  others." 

The  second  volume  contains  Hus's  "  Postilla," 
or  sermons  on  the  Gospels  for  every  Sunday  and 
important  holy  day  in  the  calendar.  It  might 
have  been  expected  that  this  would  have  been  the 
most  interesting  and  remarkable  work  of  so  great 
a  preacher.  But  it  is  not  so ;  and  though — over 
and  above  simple  and  energetic  expositions  of  the 
Gospels — the  Postilla  abound  in  historical  materials 
and  in  vivid  allusions  to  matters  of  the  day, 
yet  we  must  seek  for  traces  of  Hus's  vigorous  elo- 
quence rather  in  his  other  works  than  in  this. 
The  reason  of  this  is  given  by  himself  in  his  pre- 
face to  the  book,  in  which  he  states  that  his  inten- 
tion is,  so  far  as  he  is  able,  to  explain  the  Gospels 
in  the  manner  easiest  to  be  understood,  and  "  not 
in  his  usual  manner  of  incacliing.'^ 

The  following  is  a  curious  anecdote  from  the 
sermon  on  the  First  Sunday  in  Lent,  which  is 
interesting  from   its    relation    to    the    Faulfisch, 


HUS  AS  A  WRITER  IN  HIS  NATIVE  LANGUAGE.     361 

whose  surname  has  been  erroneously  transferred  to 
Jerome  of  Prague  : — 

"  I  heard  from  Nicholas,  surnamed  Faulfisch,  a  faithful  maa 
of  good  memory,  that,  when  he  was  in  England,  he  made  the 
acquaintance  of  a  certain  cook,  with  whom  he  boarded.  When 
a  bishop  asked  this  man  why  he  read  the  scriptures  in  English 
contrary  to  his  prohibition,  and  the  cook  defended  himself  by 
citing  scripture,  the  bishop  said  to  him, 'Kno west  thou  with  whom 
thou  art  speaking  ? '  He  replied,  '  With  a  bishop,  who  is  a  man.' 
The  bishop  said  to  him,  '  Barest  thou,  miserable  layman,  talk 
with  me  out  of  the  scripture?'  He  answered,  'I  know  that 
thou  art  not  greater  than  Christ,  and  I  hope  I  am  not  worse 
than  the  devil ;  and  since  the  gracious  Christ  listened  calmly 
to  scripture  from  the  devil,  why  shouldest  not  thou,  who  art 
inferior  to  Christ,  hear  it  from  me  who  am  a  man  ? '  The 
bishop  became  exasperated,  and  would  not  talk  with  him  any 
more  ;  so  that  the  cook  overcame  the  bishoj)  with  scripture,  as 
Christ  did  the  devil." 

A  terrible  description  of  the  condition  and  con- 
duct of  a  large  portion  of  the  clergy  is  given  in  the 
sermon  for  the  Second  Sunday  after  Easter,  which 
may  be  compared  with  the  admissions  of  Andrew 
of  Brod,  at  the  conclusion  of  the  ''  Historical 
Introduction,"  chapter  i.     It  runs  : — 

"  Antichrist  has  no  mightier  net  than  the  putting  a  stop  to 
the  service  of  God,  whereby  the  priests  obtain  their  will,  what- 
ever it  is.  With  this  net  they  defend  their  covetousness  and 
riches  ;  with  this  net  they  have  severed  themselves  from  suffer- 
ing either  in  property  or  in  person  ;  so  that,  whereas  the  primi- 
tive holy  Christians,  especially  the  priests,  joyfully  endured 
it  when  people  took  their  goods  from  them,  or  reviled,  beat, 
tortured,  and  slew  them, — they  never  put  a  stop  to  divine 
service,  but  prayed  the  more,  offered  Christ  and  preached  the 
more — the  present  backsliding  priests,  on  the  contrary,  have  so 


362  JOHN   HUS. 


fenced  themselves  with  autichrist's  institution,  that  if  any  one 
takes  aught  from  a  priest,  even  if  justly,  or  if  a  priest  is  seized 
in  the  commission  of  adultery  or  robbery,  a  stop  is  immediately 
put  to  Divine  service,  if  a  priest,  who  is  an  adulterer  or  robber, 
be  imprisoned.  If,  again,  a  box  on  the  ear  be  given  to  a  priest 
in  a  quarrel  in  a  tavern,  when  there  is  a  dispute  about  dice,  or 
worse,  citations  and  excommunications  are  issued.  If,  however, 
a  priest's  blood  be  drawn,  they  put  a  stop  to  Divine  service,  and 
compel  the  person  who  has  done  it  to  go  to  Rome,  saying  that 
none,  save  the  pope,  can  absolve  a  man  who  draws  a  priest's 
blood.  But  if  a  priest  cuts  off  anybody's  foot  or  hand,  or  kills 
a  man  who  is  guiltless,  they  do  not  excommunicate  the  priest, 
or  put  a  stop  to  Divine  service.  Why  so  ?  Because  one  devil 
does  not  pick  out  another  devil's  eyes." 

I  will  take  one  more  extract  from  the  sermon  on 
the  Sevententh  Sunday  after  Trinity,  and  then 
proceed  to  the  third  volume : — 

"  In  this  and  in  a  still  greater  sin  are  the  present  prelates, 
magisters,  and  lawyers,  who  value  their  cattle  more  than  the 
spiritual  health  of  their  neighbours.  Therefore  saith  St.  Bernard 
to  Pope  Eugenius  :  'An  ass  falls,  and  there  is  some  one  who  lifts 
it  up;  a  soul  perishes,  and  there  is  no  one  to  regard  it.'  St. 
Bernard  knew  that  the  pope's  missionaries  (apostles)  were  more 
attentive  to  asses  and  mules  than  to  souls,  which  were  flounder- 
ing in  the  mire  of  sins.  And,  as  they  from  avarice  rescued  the 
ass  from  the  pit,  and  said  that  they  did  not  break  the  sabbath ; 
but  that,  when  a  sick  man  was  restored  to  health,  the  sabbath 
was  broken,  so  do  those  of  the  present  day.  What  they  do  from 
avarice  they  do  not  set  down  as  a  sin ;  but  what  is  done  from 
compassion,  that  they  put  down  as  a  sin.  Lo!  those  Jews  drew 
the  ass  out  at  once,  when  it  fell  into  the  pit,  to  prevent  its 
death  ;  and  said  to  the  sick  man,  '  It  ia  not  fitting  to  be  healed 
on  the  sabbath.'  And  those  of  the  present  day  say,  that  it  is 
not  fitting  to  preach  the  Word  of  God  and  draw  sinners  from 
sin  without  their  absolution  ;  and  affirm  that  it  is  fitting  for 


HUS  AS  A  WEITER  IN  HIS  NATIVE  LANGUAGE.     363 

them  to  sell  benefices  as  they  please,  and  that  they  ought  to  be 
obeyed  in  whatever  they  command.  But  eventually,  they  will 
be  mute  before  Jesus,  as  they  were  mute  of  whom  tlie  scripture 
saith :  '  And  they  could  not  answer  to  those  things ; '  for  they 
were  overcome  by  the  truth." 

The  third  volume  commences  with  a  mystical 
exposition  of  the  Song  of  Solomon,  which  is  of  no 
great  interest.  But  next  comes  a  charming  little 
work:  "0/  the  knowledge  of  the  true  way  of  Sal- 
ration,"  commonly  called  "  The  Daughter  "  (Dcerka), 
from  the  commencement  of  every  chapter,  which 
runs:  "Hear,  0  daughter!  and  see  and  incline 
thine  ear  !  "  The  "daughter"  is  the  human  soul, 
and  the  work  itself  contains  practical  advice  of  the 
highest  value.  I  select  the  following  from  the 
second  of  its  ten  chapters  : — 

"  Hear,  0  daughter,  and  see  and  incline  thine  ear,  because  it 
is  good  that  thou  shouldest  understand  thy  conscience.  Know 
that  thou  canst  not  finally  conceal  sins,  for  thou  must  acknow- 
ledge them  in  the  judgment  day  to  all  people,  to  the  angels  and 
to  the  devils.  Hear,  see,  and  incline  thine  ear,  because,  whither- 
soever thou  turnest  thyself,  whatsoever  thou  placest  in  thy  soul 
and  in  thy  conscience,  be  it  evil  or  good,  thy  conscience  pre- 
serves for  thee  so  long  as  thou  livest,  and  will  return  it  to  thee 
when  thou  diest.  For  it  is  a  warning  voice  placed  in  every 
soul,  in  order  that  it  may  keep  its  promise  to  God :  if  it  doth 
evil,  the  conscience  is  immediately  affected;  if,  on  the  other 
hand  it  doth  good,  and  the  soul  is  not  proud  thereof,  a  right 
conscience  doth  not  inflict  chastisement ;  but  if  a  man  doeth 
evil,  conscience  is  with  him  while  alive,  and  dogs  him  after 
death.  And  thus,  whithersoever  a  man  turneth  himself,  praise 
or  blame  always  attends  him  ;  and  thus  in  his  own  house,  that 
is  in  his  own  soul,  he  has  adversaries  of  his  own  household. 
Lo  1  his  conscience  accuses  him,  his  memory  testifies  against 


SG4  JOHN   HUS. 


biuij  his  understanding  judges  him,  pleasure  points  out  how  he 
ought  to  be  tortured,  fear  or  terror  is  the  executioner,  and 
pleasures  are  the  tortures ;  for  in  proportion  to  the  evil  pleasures 
that  a  man  has  had,  so  many  and  so  great  sufferings  must  he 
have,  as  saith  the  Scripture.  '  Hear  this,  0  daughter,  and  see 
and  incline  thine  ear ! ' " 

From  a  vivid  controversial  dialogue  -with  the 
devil  in  chapter  iv.  I  extract  the  following,  which 
gives  Hus's  views  on  the  subject  of  confession  : — 

"  If  thou  saycst  further :  '  Cain  and  Saul  are  lost,  as  saith  the 
Scripture,'  this  we  admit;  but  if  thou  sayest: '  These  men  sinned 
less  than  I  did,'  this  I  deny ;  for  they  sinned  with  the  sin  of  final 
impenitence,  and  that  sin  is  greater  than  all  other  sins ;  for, 
though  a  man  have  all  manner  of  other  sins,  if  only  he  hath  not 
this,  he  is  not  lost  and  will  not  be  lost,  if  he  hath  it  not.  And 
this  &in,  0  devil,  is  thy  sin !  Thirdly,  then,  0  devil,  if  thou 
sayest  to  a  man  who  is  not  conscious  of  mortal  sin  :  '  In  whatso- 
ever thou  doest,  thou  doest  evil,'  this,  0  devil,  we  deny  ;  and 
if  thou  endeavourest  to  prove  it,  saying:  'For  thou  art  in 
mortal  sin,'  0  devil,  thou  liest!  thou  canst  not  prove  it,  and  in 
what  thou  sayest  afterwards,  thou  liest ;  for  I  repent,  I  have 
lamented  my  sin  and  confessed  it,  and  always  do  confess  it 
to  the  Lord  God,  acknowledging  myself  guilty  to  Him,  in  what- 
soever manner  I  may  have  sinned.  Neither,  0  devil,  shalt  thou 
lead  me  to  this,  always  to  confess  anew  in  sorrow  and  relate  all 
the  causes  and  circumstances  of  my  sins  to  a  priest  or  mention 
all  my  particular  sins ;  for  I  know  that  it  is  not  necessary  to 
enumerate  them  to  the  Lord  God,  who  knows  them  all,  and 
I  acknowledge  myself  to  Him  guilty  in  them  all,  and  lament 
them.  This,  thou,  0  devil,  dost  not  do,  and  therefore  thou 
suffercst  everlasting  perdition." 

Then  come  various  little  pamphlets  or  treatises, 
from  one  of  which,  written  against  a  priest  who 
had  become  steward  of  the  kitchen  to  a  nobleman 


HUS  AS  A  WRITER  IN  HIS  NATIVE  LANGUAGE.     865 

named  Ctibor,  and  who  had  said,  and  confirmed  with 
an  oath,  that  Hiis  was  worse  than  any  devil,  I 
shall  extract  the  following  passage  in  which  Hiis 
plays  upon  his  own  name  : — 

"  I  might  write  about  the  curse  with  which  thou  reproachest 
me,  but  it  would  be  tedious,  and  I  have  inscribed  a  notice  of 
it  on  the  walls  in  Bethlehem.  Yet,  I  say  briefly,  that  a  curse 
hurts  no  man,  if  priests  curse  him  when  he  is  free  from  mortal 
sin  and  suffers  it  lovingly ;  for  St.  Peter  saith  in  his  epistle : 
'  AVho  is  he  that  shall  harm  you,  if  ye  love  that  which  is  good.' 
And  St.  Gregory  speaks  to  that  effect,  and  thou  recitest  in  the 
hours,  that  no  adversity  will  hurt,  if  no  wickedness  be  dominant. 
And  the  Saviour  himself  saith :  '  Blessed  shall  ye  be  when  all 
men  shall  curse  you.'  And  thus  people  by  the  gift  of  God  now 
imderstand,  that  a  curse  j^ronounced  against  a  man  without 
mortal  sin  tends  to  blessing  and  life  eternal,  and  that  by  means 
of  that  curse  the  priests  first  terrified  and  scared  whom  they 
would,  even  as  fowlers  scare  birds  with  a  kite,  and  these,  fancy- 
ing the  wooden  kite  to  be  a  living  bird,  do  not  dare  to  rise. 
But  because  the  goose,  a  domestic  bird,  recognized  this  dead 
kite,  he  did  not  allow  himself  to  be  scared,  but  rose  into  the  air 
and  gave  an  example  to  God's  other  birds  to  do  the  like." 

I  offer  no  extract  from  the  three  hymns  as- 
cribed to  Hus  in  the  hymn  book  of  the  Bohemian 
brethren  (Kralitz,  1576),  which  I  do  not  believe  to 
have  proceeded  from  his  pen  in  their  present 
condition.  But  the  little  fragment  "On  FaitJi'' 
contains  a  passage  too  remarkable  to  be  omitted: — 

"  Hence  further  infer,  that  we  ought  not  to  believe  in  the 
Mother  of  God,  but  ought  to  believe  that  she  is  the  most  worthy 
Mother  of  God,  more  worthy  than  any  saint.  Although  there 
is  one  Virgin,  who  is  the  bride  of  Christ,  more  worthy  than  the 
Virgin  Mary,  and  that  is  the  Holy  Church,  the  congregation  of 


86  6  JOHN   HUS. 

all  saints,  who  will  finally  reign  with  Christ  for  ever.  For  the 
Virgin  Mary  is  a  member  of  the  Holy  Church,  and  cannot  he 
of  such  worthiness ;  and  it  was  for  that  Church,  His  bride,  that 
Christ  died  and  gave  Himself  up  to  death,  as  saith  St.  Paul,  and 
not  for  the  Virgin  Mary.  Thus  we  believe  of  the  Virgin  Mary, 
but  not  in  her ;  for  we  ought  not  to  believe  in  any  other  person 
or  thing,  save  only  in  the  Father,  in  the  Son,  and  in  the  Holy 
Ghost,  all  in  one  Lord." 

I  now  pass  on  to  the  letters,  especially  those  in 
the  Bohemian  language,  and  select  first  that 
written  on  the  road  to  Constance  after  September 
28th,  1414,  a  pretended  extract  from  which  was 
brought  against  Hus  at  his  trial : — 

"  Magister  John  Hus,  in  hope  a  priest  and  servant  of  our 
Lord  Jesus  Christ,  to  all  faithful  and  beloved  brethren  and 
sisters  in  the  Lord  Jesus,  who  have  through  me  heard  and  re- 
ceived the  Word  of  God,  grace  and  peace  from  God  our  Father 
and  from  the  Holy  Spirit,  that  they  may  abide  without  spot  in 
his  truth  ! 

"Faithful  and  beloved  friends!  ye  know  that  I  have  long 
worked  with  you  faithfully,  preaching  to  you  the  Word  of  God 
without  heresy  and  without  errors,  as  ye  know,  and  my  desire 
hath  been,  and  will  be  until  death,  your  salvation.  I  had  thought 
to  have  preached  to  you  before  my  journey,  ere  I  departed  to 
the  council  at  Constance,  and  especially  to  have  rcade  known 
to  you  the  false  testimony  and  witnesses  in  writing  with  their 
evidence;  and  these  shall  be  made  known  to  you  in  order  that, 
if  they  condemn  me,  or  sentence  me  to  death,  ye,  knowing 
this,  may  not  be  terrified,  as  if  I  were  condemned  for  any 
heresy  that  I  held ;  and,  likewise,  in  order  that  ye  may  stand 
without  fear  and  without  vacillation  in  the  truth,  to  the 
knowledge  whereof  the  Lord  God  hath  granted  you  to  come 
through  faithful  preachers  and  through  me  nnwortliy;  and, 
thirdly,  that  ye  may  be  able  to  beware  of  hypocritical  and 
lying  preachers.      And  now  I  have  prepared  myself  for  the 


HUS  AS  A  WRITER  IN  HIS  NATIVE  LANGUAGE.     367 

journey  without  safe  conduct  *  among  very  great  and  very 
numerous  enemies,  among  whom  my  enemies  from  home  are 
the  worst,  as  ye  recognize  from  the  evidence,  and  will  learn 
after  the  conclusion  of  the  council ;  of  whom  there  will  be 
many  bishops  and  magisters,  secular  priests  and  regulars.  But 
I  hope  to  my  gracious,  wise,  and  mighty  Saviour,  that  through 
His  promise  and  your  faithful  prayer  He  will  grant  me  wisdom 
and  steadfastness  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  that  I  may  persevere,  and 
that  they  may  not  be  able  to  make  me  take  the  wrong  part ; 
even  if  He  gives  me  to  suffer  temptation,  reviling,  imprison- 
ment, or  death,  as  He  suffered  Himself,  and  subjected  His  best 
beloved  servants  to  the  same,  and  gave  us  an  example  that  we 
should  suffer  for  Him  and  for  our  own  salvation ;  He  being 
God,  and  we  His  creatures ;  He  being  the  Lord,  and  we  His 
servants ;  He  being  the  King  of  the  whole  world,  and  we  un- 
worthy manuikins ;  He  being  without  want,  and  we  necessitous. 
He,  too,  has  suffered,  and  why  should  not  we  suffer  ?  Naj',  our 
suffering  in  grace  is  our  purification  from  sin  and  our  liberation 
from  everlasting  torments,  and  death  is  our  purification.  Verily 
it  is  impossible  for  His  faithful  servant  to  perish,  if  with  His 
help  he  abides  steadfast !  Therefore,  dear  brethren !  dear 
sisters !  pray  earnestly,  that  He  may  be  pleased  to  grant  me 
perseverance,  and  that  He  may  be  pleased  to  protect  me  from 
stain ;  and,  if  my  death  is  to  His  glory  and  our  profit,  that 
it  may  please  Him  to  grant  me  to  undergo  it  without  evil 
terror;  if,  on  the  other  hand,  it  is  better  for  us  that  it  should 
be  so,  chat  it  may  please  Him  to  cause  me  to  return  to  you, 
travelling  thither  and  back  again  without  stain,  that  we  may 
still  instruct  each  other  in  common  in  His  law,  and  destroy 

*  Bez  Jcleitu.  In  the  Latin  translation  (op.  Hus.  i.  72-G)  this 
stands:  "Ego  proliciscor  nunc  cum  Uteris  publicse  fidei  a  Rege 
mihi  datis."  Palacky  remarks,  that  the  sixteenth  centurj-  trans- 
lator of  Hus's  letters  into  Latin  did  his  work  exceedingly  ill, 
and  that  his  translatiou  contains  a  great  deal  of  nonsense,  as  well 
as,  now  and  then,  just  the  contrary  of  what  Hixs  intended  to 
express. 


368  JOHN   HUS. 


some  portion  of  the  nets  of  antichrist,  and  set  a  good  example 
to  future  brethren  after  us.  Perhaps  ye  will  never  see  me  more 
in  Prague  before  my  death !  If,  on  the  other  hand,  the  mighty 
God  shall  be  pleased  to  bring  me  back,  we  shall  see  each  other 
■with  so  much  the  greater  i^leasure,  and  that,  at  any  rate,  when 
we  meet  together  in  the  bliss  of  heaven.  May  the  merciful  God, 
who  gives  secure  peace  to  His  own  both  here  and  after  death, 
who  perfected  the  grand  Shepherd  by  the  shedding  of  His  blood, 
which  is  the  everlasting  evidence  of  our  salvation,  fashion  you 
in  all  that  is  good,  that  ye  may  fulfil  His  will  in  concord  with- 
out dissension,  that,  having  rest  in  virtues,  ye  may  attain  ever- 
lasting rest,  through  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  who  is  eternal  God 
and  very  Man,  born  of  the  Virgin  IMary,  to  whom  glory  is  and 
Avill  be  for  ever  with  all  the  elect,  with  whom,  if  we  persevere  in 
the  truth,  we  shall  abide  for  ever.  Amen.  Dated,  a.d.  1414, 
after  the  feast  of  St.  "Wenceslas,  on  the  journey  to  Constance." 

The  following  is  a  very  striking  letter,  dated 
June  24tli,  1415  :— 

"  Magister  John  Hus,  in  hope  a  servant  of  God,  declares  to 
all  the  faithful,  who  love  God  and  His  law,  bis  desire  that  they 
may  abide  in  the  truth,  and  make  progress  in  the  grace  of  God, 
and  stand  steadfastly  unto  death.  Dearly  beloved  !  I  exhort 
you  not  to  be  terrified  nor  to  allow  yourselves  to  be  scared, 
because  they  have  condemned  my  books  to  the  flames.  Ee- 
meniber  that  they  burned  the  holy  Jeremiah's  prophecy,  which 
God  commanded  him  to  write ;  yet  did  they  not  escape  from  that 
which  he  prophesied  ;  for  after  it  was  burnt,  the  Lord  God  com- 
manded him  to  write  the  same  words,  adding  thereto  still  more. 
As  was  done ;  he  dictated,  sitting  in  prison,  and  the  holy 
Baruch,  who  was  his  scribe,  wrote.  This  stands  written  in  the 
thirty-sixth  chapter.  Likewise  is  it  written  in  the  books  of  the 
Maccabees,  that  the  law  of  God  was  burnt,  and  those  who 
possessed  it  tortured.  Afterwards,  in  the  time  of  the  new 
law,  the  saints  were  burnt  with  the  books  of  God's  law.  Like- 
wise  the  cardinals  condemned  and  burned  the  books  of  St. 


HUS  AS  A  WRITER  IN  HIS  NATIVE  LANGUAGE.     369 

Gregory,  and  wished  to  burn  them  all,  but  the  Lord  God  pre- 
vented it  by  means  of  a  scholar  of  his,  Peter.  Likewise  two 
priestly  councils  condemned  St.  John  Chrysostom  as  an  heretic ; 
yet  the  merciful  Lord  God  showed  their  falsehood  after  St. 
John's  death.  Having  these  things  before  your  eyes,  do  not 
allow  yourselves  to  be  frightened  into  not  reading  what  I  have 
written,  or  into  giving  them  your  books  to  be  burned.  Re- 
member what  our  merciful  Saviour  said,  as  a  warning,  in 
Matthew  xxiv:  that  before  the  judgment-day  there  would 
be  so  great  tribulation,  as  had  not  been  since  the  world 
began,  neither  would  be  afterwards,  so  great  that,  if  it  were 
possible,  even  the  elect  would  be  led  into  error ;  but  those 
days  would  be  shortened  for  the  elect's  sake.  Remembering 
this,  dearly  beloved,  stand  firmly !  for  I  hope  to  God  the  school 
of  antichrist  will  fear  you,  and  leave  you  in  peace,  and  the 
council  will  not  come  from  Constance  into  Bohemia ;  for  I  am 
sure  many  out  of  this  council  will  die  before  they  take  the 
books  from  you  by  conquest ;  and  from  this  council  they  will 
fly  in  all  directions  about  the  world,  like  storks,  and  when  the 
winter  comes,  they  will  find  out  what  they  have  done  in  the 
summer.  Observe  that  they  have  condemned  their  own  head 
as  a  heretic !  Now  answer,  ye  preachers,  who  preach  that  the 
pope  is  a  terrestrial  God,  that  he  cannot  sin,  that  he  cannot 
commit  simony,  as  say  the  jurists ;  that  the  pope  is  the  head 
of  all  the  Holy  Church,  which  he  governs  admirably ;  that  he 
is  the  heart  of  the  Holy  Church,  which  he  animates  spiritually ; 
that  he  is  the  fountain,  whence  all  power  and  goodness  flow ; 
that  he  is  the  sun  of  the  Holy  Church;  that  he  is  the  all- 
sufficient  refuge,  to  which  every  Christian  must  flee.  Lo !  now 
has  that  head  been  cut  off,  and  the  terrestrial  god  bound ;  now 
has  he  been  proclaimed  guilty  of  sin;  now  has  the  fountain 
been  dried  up,  the  sun  obscured,  the  heart  torn  out ;  and  the 
refuge  has  fled  from  Constance,  and  has  now  been  cast  away, 
so  that  no  one  flees  to  him.  The  council  has  condemned  him 
as  a  heretic  for  selling  remissions,  and  bishoprics,  and  other 
things,  and  revenues ;  and  those  have  condemned  him,  many 
of  whom  have  purchased  from  him,  and  others  have  purchased 

2   B 


370  JOHN  HUS. 


elsewhere.  There  was  John,  Bishop  of  Litomysl,  who  trafficked 
twice  for  the  archbishopric  of  Prague,  but  others  outbid  him. 
Oh,  why  did  they  not  first  cast  the  beam  out  of  their  own  eye  ? 
Yet  the  law  saith  of  them :  '  If  there  be  any  one  who  hath 
obtained  any  dignity  through  money,  let  him  be  deprived  of 
it ! '  Yes,  let  the  seller  and  the  buyer,  and  the  bargainer  or 
go-between,  be  put  to  open  shame !  Saint  Peter  reviled  and 
cursed  Simon  for  wishing  to  purchase  the  gift  of  the  Holy 
Spirit :  these  men  have  reviled  and  cursed  a  seller,  and  have 
remained  purchasers  and  go-betweens  themselves,  and  also  act 
as  sellers  at  home  !  In  Constance,  there  is  a  bishop  who  pur- 
chased, and  another  who  sold,  and  the  pope  received  money  for 
his  assent.  Likewise  is  it  in  Bohemia,  as  is  known  to  you.  Oh, 
if  the  Lord  Jesus  had  said  to  the  council :  '  Let  him  that  is 
without  the  sin  of  simony  among  you  condemn  Pope  John ! ' 
me  secmeth  they  would  have  gone  out  one  after  the  other. 
And  why  did  they  kneel  before  him,  kiss  his  feet,  and  address 
him  as  '  most  holy  father ! '  knowing  that  he  was  a  heretic,  a 
murderer,  and  a  *  *  *,  even  as  they  proved  these  sins  against 
him  ?  Why  did  the  cardinals  elect  him  pope,  knowing  that  he 
was  so  wicked  a  murderer,  that  he  slew  the  most  holy  father  ? 
Why  did  they  permit  him  to  practise  simony  when  he  became 
pope,  they  being  appointed  councillors  in  order  to  give  good 
counsel  ?  Are  tliey  not  also  guilty  who  practised  simony  with 
him  themselves?  Why,  until  he  fled  from  Constance,  did  no 
one  venture  to  say  anything  to  him  but  '  most  holy  father  ? ' 
No,  they  were  still  afraid ;  but  when,  by  God's  permission  or 
will,  the  secular  hand  fell  upon  him,  then  they  immediately 
conspired,  making  a  covenant  that  he  might  not  be  released. 
Verily  the  wickedness,  and  abominableness,  and  shamefulness 
of  antichrist  have  now  displayed  themselves  in  the  case  both 
of  the  pope  and  of  others  in  the  council;  now  may  the  faithful 
servants  of  God  mark  in  our  Saviour's  discourse  what  He  meant 
by  saying  :  '  When  ye  shall  see  the  abomination  in  a  desolate 
place  (sic),  of  which  Daniel  prophesied,  let  him  that  readeth 
understand' !  The  great  abomination  is  pride,  covetousness,  and 
simony,  in  a  desolate  place,  that  is,  in  dignity,  which  is  void  of 


HUS  AS  A  WRITER  IN  HIS  NATIVE  LANGUAGE.     371 


humility,  love,  and  the  other  virtues,  as  we  see  manifestly  in 
those  who  are  holding  ofBce  and  dignity.  Oh,  if  it  were 
possible  to  describe  the  wickednesses,  that  the  faithful  servants 
of  God  might  beware  of  them,  I  would  gladly  do  so ;  but  I  hope 
to  God  that  He  will  send  others  more  worthy  after  me,  who  will 
better  expose  the  wickedness  of  antichrist,  and  will  hazard 
their  lives  unto  death  for  the  sake  of  the  truth  of  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ,  who  will  give  you  and  me  everlasting  bliss. 
Amen.  Written  on  the  festival  of  St.  John  the  Baptist,  in 
a  dungeon  and  in  fetters,  in  the  recollection  that  John  was 
likewise  beheaded  in  a  dungeon  and  in  fetters  for  the  sake  of 
God's  truth." 

The  next  letter,  dated  June  26tli,  is  equally 
worthy  of  perusal : — 

"Magister  John  Hus,  in  hope  a  servant  of  God,  makes  known 
to  all  faithful  Bohemians  who  love  and  shall  love  God,  his  desire 
and  unworthy  prayer,  that  they  may  abide  in  the  grace  of  God, 
may  end  therein,  and  may  abide  with  God  for  ever  and  ever. 
Faithful  and  beloved  friends  and  beloved  in  God !  it  hath 
furthermore  occurred  to  me  to  write,  that  ye  may  know  how 
the  council,  proud,  covetous,  and  full  of  all  abomination,  hath 
condemned  my  books  in  the  Bohemian  language,  which  it  hath 
neither  heard  nor  seen,  nor  if  it  had  heard  them,  would  it  have 
understood  them.  For  in  the  council  were  Frenchmen,  Italians, 
Englishmen,  Spaniards,  Germans,  and  others  of  other  languages, 
save  that  John,  Bishop  of  Litomysl,  who  was  there,  may  have 
understood  them  somewhat,  as  well  as  other  Bohemians,  the 
instigators  thereof,  from  the  chapters  of  Prague  and  the  Vysse- 
grad,  from  whom  has  proceeded  the  shaming  of  God's  truth  and 
of  our  Bohemian  land,  which  I  hope  is  a  land  of  most  excellent 
faith,  observing  its  earnest  desire  with  regard  to  the  Word  of 
God  and  to  the  customs.  Oh,  were  you  to  see  this  council, 
which  calls  itself  the  *  most  holy '  council,  and  asserts  that  it 
cannot  err,  verily  ye  would  espy  abomination  exceeding  great, 
of  which  I  have  heard   commonly  from   the  Swabians,  that 


372  JOHN   HUS. 


Constauce,  or  'Kostnice,'  tlieir  citj^,  will  not  within  thirty 
years  be  rid  of  the  sins  which  this  council  has  committed  in 
their  city;  and  I  say  furthermore,  that  all  men  have  been 
offended  through  this  council,  and  some  have  spit,  because  they 
saw  abominable  things.  And  I  say  unto  you,  that  when  I 
stood  before  the  council,  seeing  how  little  order  there  was,  I 
said  aloud,  when  all  were  silent,  '  I  thought  there  would  have 
been  greater  reverence  and  goodness  and  better  order  in  this 
council  than  there  is.'  Then  said  the  chief  cardinal,  '  How 
speakest  thou?  In  the  castle  thou  spakest  more  humbly.* 
And  I  answered,  saying,  '  Yes,  for  in  the  castle  no  man 
clamoured  against  me,  but  here  all  clamour.'  And  since  this 
council,  which  hath  done  more  evil  than  good,  hath  proceeded 
with  such  disorder,  faithful  Christians  and  beloved  in  God !  do 
not  allow  yourselves  to  be  frightened  by  their  decree,  which  I 
hope  to  God  will  not  profit  them ;  they  will  fly  different  ways, 
like  moths,  and  their  ordinance  will  stand  like  a  spider's  web. 
They  wanted  to  terrify  me,  but  through  God's  good  help  they 
have  been  unable  to  prevail  over  me.  They  have  not  thought 
fit  to  proceed  against  me  in  writing,  as  heard  the  gracious  lords, 
who  stood  up  steadfastly  for  tiie  truth  of  God,  braving  all 
shame,  Bohemians,  ^Moravians,  and  Poles,  and  especially  Lord 
Wenceslas  of  Duba  and  Lord  John  of  Chlum  ;  for,  being  ad- 
mitted by  King  Sigismund  into  the  council,  they  stood  and 
heard  that,  when  I  said,  'I  desire  instruction  !  if  I  have  written 
anything  ill,  I  wish  to  be  instructed ! '  then  said  the  chief 
cardinal :  '  Since  thou  wishest  to  be  instructed,  this  is  the  in- 
struction :  thou  hast  to  recant,  as  fifty  magisters  of  holy  scrip- 
ture have  found.'  See !  a  pretty  instruction !  Thus  St.  Cathe- 
rine, a  young  damsel,  ought  to  have  apostatized  from  the  truth 
and  faith  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  because  fifty  magisters  were 
against  her.  But  the  dear  damsel  stood  even  to  death,  and 
brought  over  to  the  Lord  God  the  magisters,  whom  I,  sinful 
man,  am  not  able  to  bring  over.  This  I  write  unto  you,  that 
ye  may  know  that  they  have  not  overcome  me  by  any  scripture 
or  any  arguments,  but  have  assailed  me  with  cunning  and 
threats,  in  order  to  lead  me  to  recantation  and  renunciation. 


HUS  AS  A  WRITER  IN  HIS  NATIVE  LANGUAGE.     373 

But  the  gracious  Lord  God,  whose  law  I  have  magnified,  hath 
been,  and  is,  and  I  hope  will  be  with  me  to  the  end,  and  will 
keep  me  in  His  grace,  even  unto  death.  Written  on  the 
Wednesday  after  St.  John  Baptist,  in  prison  and  in  fetters,  in 
expectation  of  death  :  still,  on  account  of  the  divine  secrecy,  I 
dare  not  say  that  this  will  be  my  last  letter,  for  even  yet  the 
Omnipotent  God  can  set  me  free." 

It  was  not  by  any  means  his  last  letter,  but  liis 
pen  was  permitted  to  be  occupied  several  times 
after  it.  I  conclude  my  selection  from  bis  writings 
with  what  was  actually  bis  last  letter,  in  which 
Hus  "  thanks  the  underwritten  for  their  kindness," 
and  writes  to  them  (June  29th) ; — 

"  God  be  with  you  !  and  may  it  please  Him  to  give  you  an 
everlasting  recompense  for  having  done  me  much  good !  For 
my  sake,  although  perhaps  dead  in  the  body,  do  not  allow  any 
harm  to  happen  to  Lord  John,  the  faithful  and  worthy  knight 
and  my  good  benefactor,  I  entreat  you  for  the  Lord  God's  sake, 
dear  Lord  Peter,  master  of  the  mint,  and  Lady  Anna !  Like- 
wise I  entreat  you  to  live  well  and  obey  God,  even  as  ye  have 
heard.  Thank  the  queen,  my  gracious  lady,  from  me  for  all 
the  good  that  she  has  done  me.  Salute  her  household  and 
other  faithful  friends,  whose  names  I  cannot  write  at  length. 
I  also  entreat  all  to  entreat  the  Lord  God  and  His  holy  grace 
for  me :  we  shall  ere  long  meet  together  by  His  holy  help. 
Amen.  Written  in  expectation  of  sentence  of  death,  in  prison 
and  in  fetters,  which  I  hope  I  am  suffering  for  the  sake  of  God's 
law.  For  the  Lord  God's  sake  do  not  suffer  good  priests  to  be 
destroyed. — Magister  Hus,  in  hope  a  servant  of  God. 

"  Peter,  dearest  friend !  keep  the  fur  coat  in  remembrance  of 
me. 

"  Lord  Henry  Lefl,  mayest  thou  live  happily  with  thy  wife, 
and  I  thank  thee  for  thy  kindness ;  God  be  thy  recompense  ! 

"  Faithful  friend,  Lord  Lidher,  with  Lady  Margaret,  Lord 
Skuoczek,  with  Mikeska  and  others  i  the  Lord  God  give  you  an 


374  JOHN   HUS. 


everlasting  recompense  for  the  trouble  jo  have  taken,  and  the 
other  kindnesses  which  ye  have  shown  me ! 

"  Faithful  and  dear  Magister  Christian !  the  Lord  God  be 
with  thee ! 

"  Magister  Martin,  my  scholar !  remember  what  I  have  faith- 
fully taught  thee.  Magister  Nicholas,  priest  Peter,  the  king's 
chaplain,  and  other  magisters  and  priests!  be  diligent  in  the 
Word  of  God  !  Priest  Havlik !  preach  the  Word  of  God.  And 
I  entreat  all  to  be  steadfast  in  God's  truth." 

The  British  reader  is  now  for  the  first  time 
enabled  to  attain  full  knowledge  of  one  of  the  most 
extraordinary  men  and  martyrs  that  have  suffered 
for  truth  and  righteousness  since  life  and  immor- 
tality were  brought  to  light  by  the  Son  of  God. 
Without  a  knowledge  of  Hus's  Bohemian  works  it 
is  impossible  fully  to  realize  either  his  power  or 
his  character,  nor  could  the  mighty  events  that 
eventually  followed  bis  martyrdom  have  come  to 
pass  without  those  works.  As  a  school  divine,  his 
influence  would  have  been  limited  to  the  learned ; 
as  a  writer  in  his  own  tongue,  he  spoke  to  the 
hearts  and  souls  of  the  whole  i)eople  of  what  was 
then  the  best  educated  nation  in  Europe.  Every 
effort  was  made  after  the  destruction  of  the  liber- 
ties of  Bohemia  in  1620,  to  destroy  its  literature ; 
for  a  hundred  and  fifty  years  Jesuit  "  missionaries  " 
committed  every  Bohemian  book  that  they  could 
lay  their  hands  on  to  the  flames.  But  with  the 
abolition  of  the  Austrian  censorship  of  the  press  in 
the  year  of  revolutions,  1848,  a  new  era  dawned, 
and  Bohemians  like  Palacky,  Erben,  Tomek,  and 
others  have  been  able  to  search  and  publish  freel}-. 


HUS  AS  A  WRITER  IN  HIS  NATIVE  LANGUAGE.     375 

Of  their  labours  I  have  availed  mj^self  to  the  fullest 
extent,  and  my  only  fear  is  that  I  have  myself 
failed  in  exhibiting  this  great  and  good  Bohemian 
and  the  movement  of  which  he  was  the  head  in  all 
their  dignity  and  in  all  their  fulness. 


876  JOHN   HUS. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

JEKOME    OF    PRAGUE. 

Jerome  of  Prague,  the  friend  and  disciple  of  John 
Hus,  has  hitherto  held  the  position  of  a  mere 
shadow  of  his  greater  master,  until,  after  that 
m-aster's  martyrdom,  he  passes  once  for  all  across 
the  stage  in  a  blaze  of  light  in  the  eloquent  letter 
of  Poggio  Bracciolini.  Of  himself,  comparatively 
speaking,  little  has  been  known,  and,  in  fact,  such 
precautions  were  taken  in  the  dominions  of  the 
House  of  Hapsburg,  from  and  after  the  commence- 
ment of  the  Thirty  Years'  War,  to  prevent  any- 
thing that  might  tell  against  the  Church  of  Eome 
or  in.  favour  of  the  detested  heretics  of  Bohemia 
from  coming  to  light,  that  neither  original  histo- 
rical research  nor  correction  of  errors  was  possible. 
Some  relaxation  of  this  intellectual  bondage  began 
contemporaneously  with  the  movements  that  in- 
augurated the  great  French  Revolution,  but  it  was 
not  till  1848,  the  year  of  revolutions,  that  the 
Austrian  censorship  of  the  press  was  abolished, 
and  its  evil  head  has  not  since  been  raised  for  the 


JEROME   OF  PRAGUE.  377 

suppression  of  inquiry  and  the  mutilation  of  truth. 
Now  the  historian  is  free  in  Austria,  and  even  in 
the  much- suspected  Bohemia,  where  the  great 
moral,  intellectual,  and  religious  movement,  known 
under  the  name  of  the  Hussite  movement,  origi- 
nated, worked,  lasted  two  centm-ies,  and  eventually 
came  to  a  violent  end. 

Very  welcome,  therefore,  is  the  rex^ublication  of 
a  manuscript  in  the  Bohemian  language,  existing 
in  the  library  of  the  gymnasium  at  Freiburg  in 
Saxony,  which  appeared  in  1878  at  Prague  under 
the  careful  editorship  of  Dr.  Jaroslaw  Goll,  giving 
an  account  of  the  arrest,  trial,  and  martyrdom  of 
Jerome  of  Prague,  well  worthy  of  comparison  with 
the  celebrated  letter  of  Poggio  Bracciolini,  and 
evidently  from  the  same  source  as,  though  adding 
interesting  matter  to,  the  Latin  account  given  in 
the  Nuremburg  edition  of  Hus's  Latin  works  (vol. 
ii.  pp.  522-528),  which  professes  to  have  been 
sent  to  Prague  by  an  eyewitness.  This  manuscript 
is  believed  to  be  very  nearly  contemporary  with  the 
events  that  it  records,  and  apx3ears  to  have  been 
twice  printed  with  the  language  modernized  at  the 
beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century ;  yet,  in  the 
general  destruction  of  Bohemian  literature,  only 
two  copies,  one  of  each  edition,  are  known  to  have 
survived,  one  of  w^hich  is  at  Vienna  and  the  other 
at  Prague.  And,  strange  to  say,  this  valuable 
record,  whether  in  print  or  in  MS.,  has — to  use 
the  words  of  Dr.  GoU — "remained  almost  entirely 
unnoticed  and  unknown  to  our  own  times." 


87S  JOHN   HUS. 


Jerome  of  Prague,  Hieronymus  de  Praga,  "was 
born  about  the  year  1379,  of  a  well-to-do,  but  not 
a  noble  family  in  the  New  Town  of  Prague.  The 
surname  of  Faulfisch  is  commonly  given  to  him 
in  this  country,  but  merely  from  a  confusion  be- 
tween him  and  a  certain  Nicholas  Faulfisch,  one 
of  two  students  who  in  1410  brought  to  Prague  a 
piece  of  stone  from  Wycliffe's  tomb,  and  a  forged 
document  from  Oxford,  sealed  with  the  seal  of 
the  university,  and  dated  October  5th,  1406,  in 
which  the  University  of  Oxford  was  made  to  give 
the  highest  commendation  to  the  orthodoxy  and 
moral  conduct  of  Wycliffe.  It  being  commonly 
said  that  Jerome  was  the  bringer  of  Wycliffe's 
books  to  Bohemia,  a  confusion  between  him  and 
this  Faulfisch,  in  times  when  historical  evidence 
was  sealed  up  in  Austria,  was  not  unnatural.  But 
Jerome's  family  name  is  entirely  unknown,  which 
would  scarcely  have  been  the  ease,  had  he  been 
a  scion  of  a  noble  family  in  however  indigent  cir- 
cumstances. 

He  was  educated  entirely  at  Prague,  in  the  uni- 
versity itself,  and  previously  in  the  schools  connected 
with  it.  He  became  Bachelor  of  Arts  in  1398,  and 
in  February,  1399,  Hus  obtained  for  him  a  dispen- 
sation from  the  performance  of  the  duties  of  a 
schoolmaster,  which  were  usually  required  from 
every  Bohemian  bachelor  during  the  first  two  years 
of  his  baccalaureate.  He  then  travelled  abroad, 
and  in  1401  returned  to  Prague.  The  next  year  he 
appears  to  have  visited  England;  and  particularly 


JEROME   OF   PRAGUE.  379 

Oxford,  where  be  copied  out  Wycliffe's  "Dialogus" 
and  "  Trialogus  "  with  his  own  hand.  In  1403 
he  visited  Palestine,  and  two  years  later  we  find 
him  in  Paris,  where  he  obtained  the  degree  of 
Master  of  Arts  at  the  Sorbonne.  Here  it  was  that 
he  for  the  first  time  became  involved  in  theological 
difficulties.  In  a  public  disputation  he  took  upon 
himself  to  maintain  that  "  God  cannot  annihilate 
anything."  The  celebrated  chancellor  Gerson  was 
anxious  to  force  him  to  recant  his  error,  but  Jerome, 
finding  that  arrangements  were  being  made  for 
his  arrest,  beat  a  timely  retreat  and  escaped  in 
safety.  Thence  (1406)  he  betook  himself  to  the 
universities  of  Cologne  on  the  Ehine  and  Heidel- 
berg, at  each  of  which  he  took  the  degree  of 
Master  of  Arts,  and  from  each  of  which  he  was 
compelled  to  make  his  escape  owing  to  diffi- 
culties similar  to  those  in  which  he  had  been 
involved  at  Paris,  Here,  however,  we  must  bear 
in  mind  that  philosophy  may  have  had  quite  as 
much  to  do  with  his  troubles  as  theology  or  religion. 
For  Jerome  was  a  "  Eealist "  in  philosophy,  and 
was  thus  always  more  or  less  in  danger  of  persecu- 
tion from  the  then  dominant  sect  of  "  Nominalists," 
especially  if,  as  appears  to  have  been  the  case,  he 
got  the  better  of  his  opponents  in  argument.  In 
1407,  he  took  the  degree  of  Master  of  Arts  at 
Prague,  after  which  he  undertook  another  journey 
to  Oxford,  whither  his  evil  reputation  had  arrived 
before  him.  Preparations  were  made  to  arrest 
him  on  suspicion  of  heresy,  and  it  was  only  by  the 


380  JOHN  HUS. 


exertions  of  some  important  personage,  who  inter- 
ested himself  in  him  "as  if  he  were  his  own  son," 
that  he  was  enahled  to  extricate  himself  from 
danger.  The  following  two  years  he  seems  to  have 
spent  at  Prague,  where  he  took  part  in  the  agita- 
tion which  resulted  in  the  inversion  of  the  very 
peculiar  constitution  of  the  university,  and  the 
transference  of  the  majority  of  votes  from  foreigners 
to  Bohemians,  a  consequence  whereof  was  the  emi- 
gration of  the  great  mass  of  German  magisters 
and  students  from  Prague. 

In  1410,  early  in  January,  the  so-called  annual 
disputation  ''de  quolibet,"  ''about  what  you  please," 
took  place  at  Prague  according  to  custom,  in  which 
all  magisters  were  bound  to  take  part  and  answer 
one,  who  was  elected  "  Magister  Quodlibetarius" 
and  maintained  certain  theses  against  all  comers. 
The  office  of  "  Quodlibetarius  "  was  declined  by  all 
the  older  magisters  and  fell  to  a  young  magister, 
Matthew  of  Knin,  who  had  been  cited  a  year  and  a 
half  previously  by  the  archbishop  on  suspicion  of 
"Wycliffism.  The  audience  was  large  and  distin- 
guished, and  Jerome  delivered  a  laudatory  oration 
respecting  the  young  and  gifted  Quodlibetarius,  in 
which  he  de^^lored  the  uneasiness  to  which  he  had 
been  subjected,  rejected  emphatically  the  general 
custom  of  speaking  of  the  Bohemians  as  a  nation 
of  heretics,  declared  the  calumnies  uttered  against 
the  nation  by  unpatriotic  and  corrupt  priests  to  be 
false,  and  in  particular  urged  the  magistrates  of 
Prague,  who  were  present,  to  defend  the  Bohemian 


JEROME   OF   PRAGUE.  381 

community  of  their  city  against  such  lying  slanders 
with  all  their  might.  He  moreover  enunciated  in 
general  terms  his  opinion  of  the  books  of  "VVycliffe, 
saying  that  he  had  read  and  studied  them  like  those 
of  any  other  doctor,  and  had  learnt  much  that  was 
good  from  them  ;  but  that  he  was  far  from  holding 
as  matters  of  faith  everything  that  he  read  in 
them,  for  that  was  due  to  holy  scripture  only. 
He  therefore  counselled  students  to  read  those 
books  frequently  and  study  them  diligently,  espe- 
cially such  of  them  as  bore  upon  the  Faculty  of 
Arts  ;  but  if  they  found  therein  anything  that  they 
could  not  understand,  to  put  it  aside  till  a  riper 
age,  for  there  were  some  things  in  them  that 
appeared  to  be  contrary  to  the  faith.  These  things, 
therefore,  they  should  neither  hold  nor  defend,  but 
submit  to  the  faith ;  and  they  should  also  refrain 
from  lending  the  books  to  people  who  were  incap- 
able of  understanding  them.  This  speech  in  favour 
of  Wycliffe's  writings  was  afterwards  one  of  the 
articles  of  accusation  against  Jerome  at  Constance. 
The  bull  of  Pope  Alexander  V.  in  condemnation 
of  Wycliffe's  books  arrived  two  months  later,  i.e. 
about  the  middle  of  March,  and  ere  long  commenced 
the  grand  struggle  between  Hus  and  Archbishop 
Zbynek,  in  which  Hus  appealed  first  to  Pope  Alex- 
ander and  then  to  his  successor,  the  wicked  John 
XXni.  Jerome  had  travelled  into  Hungary,  and 
on  "  Green  Thursday,"  our  "  Maunday  Thursday," 
delivered  such  an  oration  at  King  Sigismund's 
court  on  the  condition  of  ecclesiastical  affairs,  that 


382  JOHN  HUS. 


the  clergy  felt  actual  terror  lest  the  temporal  lords 
should  be  excited  to  rise  up  against  them.  Just  at 
this  time  arrived  a  letter  from  the  Archbishop  of 
Prague  directed  against  Jerome,  in  consequence  of 
which  he  was  imprisoned  but  set  at  liberty  again 
in  a  fortnight's  time. 

But  when,  later  in  the  same  year,  he  exhibited 
himself  at  Vienna,  Andrew  Grillenberg,  the  official 
of  the  Bishop  of  Passau,  ordered  him  at  once  to  be 
arrested  and  brought  before  his  tribunal  on  the 
charge  of  holding  and  disseminating  "Wycliffite 
heresy.  At  his  first  hearing  Jerome  denied  all  the 
charges,  which  were  brought  against  him  in  writing, 
whereupon  the  official  appointed  the  procurator  of 
the  treasury  to  conduct  the  process  against  him,  and 
fixed  a  time  for  the  production  of  witnesses  against 
the  accused.  These  witnesses  testified  with  one 
voice  against  Jerome,  and  in  his  presence  took  their 
corporal  oaths  in  confirmation  of  their  statements. 
Hereupon,  it  is  said,  he  altered  his  tone  and  pro- 
mised amendment  and  recantation  of  his  errors. 
The  official,  seeing  the  alteration  that  had  taken 
place  in  him,  administered  an  oath  to  him  in  the 
presence  of  many  Doctors  of  Theology  and  Law  and 
other  members  of  the  university,  that,  under  penalty 
of  excommunication,  he  (Jerome)  had  no  intention 
of  quitting  Vienna,  until  the  process  against  him 
was  concluded,  but  would  be  always  in  readiness  to 
obey  the  citation  of  the  official  and  appear  before 
his  tribunal.  Upon  taking  this  oath  he  was  set  at 
liberty,  whereupon  the  official  kindly  proposed  to 


JEROME   OF  PRAGUE.  383 


him,  both  for  better  security  against  his  enemies 
and  also  to  lessen  his  expenses,  to  come  and  live  at 
his  (the  official's)  own  house,  where  he  would  be 
provided  with  board  and  lodging  gratis  during  the 
continuance  of  the  process.  Jerome  declined  the 
offer  with  thanks,  saying  that  for  the  time  he  had 
no  need  of  any  such  assistance.  Meanwhile  he 
made  known  his  difficulties  to  his  friends  at  Prague 
by  letter,  and  they  lost  not  a  moment  in  employing 
all  possible  means  of  assisting  him.  The  University 
of  Prague  itself  wrote  an  angry  letter  to  that  of 
Vienna,  bitterly  reproaching  it  with  the  wrong  done 
to  one  of  its  magisters.  The  rector  and  magisters 
also  wrote  an  intercessory  letter  to  the  burgomaster 
and  magistrates  of  Vienna  on  behalf  of  their  distin- 
guished associate,  complaining  of  the  grievous 
wrong  done  to  him  through  the  malice  and  envy  of 
certain  magisters  and  students  in  their  town,  and 
requesting  their  aid  against  such  oppressive  conduct 
on  the  part  of  his  private  enemies.  In  another 
letter  they  bore  testimony  to  the  official  himself 
respecting  the  good  behaviour  of  Magister  Jerome, 
thanked  him  for  the  kindness  showed  towards  him, 
and  requested  him  to  add  a  suitable  ending  to  a 
good  beginning,  and  not  to  act  according  to  the 
will  of  insensates,  who  in  blind  fury  were  endeavour- 
ing to  give  Jerome  over  to  death. 

Jerome,  meanwhile,  regardless  of  his  oath,  took 
advantage  of  the  first  opportunity  that  presented 
itself,  and  before  the  time  for  his  appearance  in 
court  to   bring  forward  his   defence  against   the 


384  JOHN   HUS 


witnesses  had  come,  departed  secretly  from  Vienna 
and  escaped  into  Moravia.  From  the  castle  of 
Bitow  there  he  greeted  the  official  with  a  jeering 
letter,  in  which  he  informed  him  that  he  was  merry 
and  well  among  kind  friends  at  Bitow,  and  re- 
quested him  to  forgive  him  for  not  keeping  his  pro- 
mise, it  having  been  extorted  from  him  by  force. 
He  had  no  intention  (he  said)  of  eluding  justice, 
but,  perhaps,  the  ojHicial  himself,  if  he  really  loved 
him,  would  not  advise  him  to  stand  alone  amongst 
so  many  hundred  enemies.  For  the  time  the  cord 
was  broken  and  he  himself  at  liberty;  but  the 
official  could  send  his  adversaries  and  their 
witnesses  to  Prague,  and  proceed  at  law  with  him 
there,  or  else  before  the  Eoman  chair,  where  both 
parties  were  equally  known.  Furthermore,  he 
wished  him  to  know  that  on  his  way  he  had  been 
in  his  church  at  Laa  (where  the  official  was  rector 
or  *'plebanus"),  and  being  not  unmindful  of  his 
kindness,  had  given  an  invitation  to  the  school- 
master and  town  clerk,  and  that  he  was  in  other 
respects  at  his  service. 

This  uncourteous  epistle  naturally  irritated  the 
worthy  official,  who  issued  one  more  citation 
against  Jerome,  which  be  caused  to  be  affixed  to 
the  door  of  St.  Stephen's  church  at  Vienna,  allow- 
ing him  the  term  of  eight  days  to  appear  before 
his  tribunal,  and  answer  for  the  violation  of  his 
oath  and  his  flight.  As  of  course  Jerome  did  not 
appear,  the  official  proceeded  to  excommunicate 
him,  and  gave  notice  thereof  by  letter  to  Archbishop 


JEROME   OF   PRAGUE.  385 

Zbyuek  (September  SOtli),  by  whom  Jerome  was 
consequently  excommunicated,  as  he  was  also  at 
Grilleuberg's  request  by  the  Bishop  of  Cracow. 

The  next  appearance  of  Jerome  in  public  was 
in  1412,  on  the  arrival  of  the  bulls  which  had 
been  issued  by  John  XXIII.,  denouncing  as 
heretics  the  antipope  Gregory  XII.  and  his  ally 
Ladislaw,  King  of  Naples,  proclaiming  a  crusade 
against  Ladislaw,  and  offering  plenary  indulgences 
to  all  who  should  either  take  part  in  the  war 
personally  or  furnish  the  pope  with  pecuniary 
assistance  towards  it.  In  May  the  papal  legates 
or  commissioners  arrived  and  commenced  the  sale 
of  the  indulgences.  Hus  preached  publicly  against 
them,  and,  eventually,  a  public  meeting  was  held  in 
the  great  hall  of  the  Carolinum  on  the  7th  of  Jmie. 
Here  Hus  delivered  his  opinion  against  the  indul- 
gences, his  most  zealous  partisan  being  Jerome, 
who  supported  his  views  in  a  long  and  eloquent 
speech,  and  at  length,  becoming  excited,  sprang 
from  his  seat  and  declared  that  he  would  go  that 
instant  to  the  town  hall  and  maintain  before  the 
magistrates  that  the  indulgences  were  illegal.  Up 
rose  a  number  of  students  desirous  to  go  with 
him,  nor  was  it  without  difficulty  that  the  rector 
of  the  university  succeeded  by  friendly  argument 
in  diverting  Jerome  from  his  purpose.  "Hearest 
thou,  Magister  Marek  !  "  replied  Jerome  ;  "  anyhow 
thou  wilt  not  give  thy  head  for  me ;  I  shall  give 
my  own  neck  for  myself."  Eventually,  however, 
he  allowed  himself  to  be  calmed  down,  and  the 

2  c 


886  JOHN   HUS. 


disputation  encled  in  the  ordinary  manner.  But 
the  students,  excited  to  enthusiasm  by  Jerome's 
powerful  speech,  accompanied  him  to  his  abode 
in  greater  numbers  than  accompanied  Hus 
himself. 

On  the  20th  of  June  Prague  was  entertained 
with  an  unusual  spectacle,  got  up  by  one  of  King 
Wenceslas's  favourites.  Lord  Woksa  of  Waldstein, 
who  is  said  to  have  been  assisted  therein  by 
Jerome.  A  satirical  procession  came  forth  on  the 
Kleinseite  of  Prague,  in  which  a  student  stood  in 
a  handsome  carriage  dressed  up  as  a  jDrofessional 
harlot.  On  his  neck  and  wrists  he  wore  silver 
bells  according  to  the  fashion  of  the  day,  which 
he  kept  constantly  ringing ;  and  suspended  to  him 
in  front  were  documents  prepared  in  imitation  of 
those  which  issued  from  the  papal  chancery,  with 
bulls,  i.e.  papal  seals,  appended  to  them.  Before 
and  behind  him  went  a  number  of  rioters,  partly 
students,  armed  with  swords  or  staves,  to  the 
number  of  some  hundreds,  while  others,  dressed 
as  executioners,  cried  out  that  they  were  conduct- 
ing the  bulls  and  writings  of  a  ruffian  and  heretic 
to  be  publicly  bm'nt  as  erroneous  and  heretical. 
After  traversing  the  Kleinseite,  the  procession 
crossed  the  bridge  into  the  Old  Town,  and  thence 
into  the  New  Town,  stopping  finally  at  what  is  now 
the  "  Karlsplatz,"  where  the  documents  were  burnt 
under  the  pillory,  amidst  a  large  and  noisy  crowd 
of  spectators.  Afterwards,  a  good  many  j^oung 
men,  instigated,  it  is  said,  by  Jerome,  went  about 


JEROME   OF  PRAGUE.  387 


the  town  from  church  to  church  at  sermon  time, 
and  wherever  the  preachers  were  recommending 
the  indulgences,  contradicted  them  loudly,  calling 
them  liars  and  impostors ;  for  the  indulgences 
(said  they)  were  utterly  null  and  void. 

About  September,  1412,  Hus  was  obliged  to  leave 
Prague,  whither  he  was  never  able  to  return  for 
long,  but  occupied  himself  with  writing  and  with 
preaching  in  the  country.  But  Jerome  had  already 
accepted  an  invitation  from  Witold,  Grand  Prince 
of  Lithuania,  who  wished  to  consult  some  one  of 
the  more  distinguished  magisters  of  Prague — most 
probably  on  the  subject  of  the  relations  between 
the  Latin  and  Eastern  Churches  in  the  Kussian 
and  Lithuanian  lands,  which  formed  part  of  his 
dominions — and  who  so  suitable  as  the  travelled 
and  accomplished  Jerome  ?  By  the  end  of  March, 
1412,  Jerome  was  already  at  Cracow,  where  he  had 
full  access  to  the  court  of  King  Wenceslas  of 
Poland.  The  first  day  he  wore  his  long  hanging 
whiskers,  but  on  the  morrow  he  exhibited  himself 
as  a  perfect  Polish  gentleman — to  use  the  words 
of  Albert,  Bishop  of  Cracow,  in  a  letter  to  Prague — 
*'  without  whiskers,  in  a  red  coat  and  a  cap  bor- 
dered with  miniver,  haughtily  before  the  king  the 
queen,  the  princes,  lords,  and  nobles."  From  the 
same  letter  we  learn  that  "  though  he  stayed  there 
but  a  few  days,  he  yet  excited  more  sensation 
among  the  clergy  and  people  than  had  been  excited 
in  that  diocese  within  the  memory  of  man."  In 
April  he  went  on  to  Witold  and  travelled  with  him 


388  JOHN   HUS. 


as  far  as  Witebsk  and  Pskov,  and  then  returned 
to  Wilna.  Being  asked  whether  people  in  those 
districts  who  had  come  over  from  the  Kussian  to 
the  Latin  Chm-ch  ought  to  be  rebaptised,  he 
answered  in  the  negative,  and  recommended  that 
they  should  merely  be  instructed  in  the  ordinances 
of  the  Church  which  they  had  joined.  At  Witebsk 
and  Pskov  the  Latin  clergy  were  offended  at  the 
recognition  he  accorded  to  the  faithful  of  the 
Piussian  Church,  at  his  visiting  their  churches 
and  taking  part  in  their  processions. 

Pieports  were  spread  that  he  had  visited  the 
King  of  Poland  and  Grand  Duke  of  Lithuania  for 
the  purpose  of  perverting  them  from  the  faith, 
and  it  was  even  rumoured  that  he  had  himself 
joined  tlie  Paissian  Church.  At  Cracow  he  was 
questioned  by  the  archbishop  in  presence  of  the 
pope's  legate  and  many  other  dignitaries,  as  to 
the  forty-five  articles  selected  for  condemnation 
from  the  writings  of  Wycliffe,  but  his  simple  reply 
was  that  he  rejected  the  tenour  of  the  said  articles. 

When  Hus — in  violation  of  King  Sigismund's 
safe-conduct — was  on  November  23rd,  1414,  taken 
from  his  lodgings  at  Constance  and  cruelly  im- 
prisoned, several  of  his  friends  contemplated  going 
thither  to  assist  and  stand  by  him.  But  as  soon 
as  he  received  intelligence  of  their  intention,  he 
wrote  to  warn  them  against  any  such  thing.  How- 
ever, Magister  Christian  of  Prachatitz  went  and 
obtained  an  interview  with  Hus  in  his  prison  some 
time  before  the  4th  of  Maxoh,  1415.     And  before 


JEROME   OF   PRAGUE.  889 

Magister  Christian  could  have  returned,  Jerome  of 
Prague  had  also  entered  upon  his  journey  thither, 
moved  no  doubt  by  a  kind  of  chivalrous  feeling  and 
honourable  obligation,  as  he  had  himself  urged 
Hus  to  go  to  the  council  and  even  promised  to 
follow  him  thither,  that  they  might  both  publicly 
prove  then-  orthodoxy  and  purify  the  reputation  of 
their  country.  On  April  4th,  1415,  Jerome  exhibited 
himself  unexpectedly  to  Hus's  fiiends  at  Constance, 
who  earnestly  entreated  him  to  go  back  before  he 
was  recognized.  He  was  persuaded  indeed  to  with- 
di-aw  to  a  neighbouring  town,  probably  Ueberlingen, 
whence,  on  Aj)ril  7th,  he  sent  letters  to  Constance, 
which  he  caused  to  be  affixed  to  the  city  gates,  to 
the  chm'ch  doors,  and  to  the  cardinal's  houses, 
wherein  he  requested  King  Sigismund  and  the 
council  to  grant  him  a  safe-conduct  to  appear  freely 
before  the  council  and  answer  everybody  publicly, 
who  desired  to  accuse  him  of  any  error  or  heres3\ 
Eeceiving  no  answer  for  two  days,  he  obtained 
written  testimony  of  the  fact  from  the  Bohemian 
lords  then  staying  at  Constance,  waited  five  days 
longer,  and  then  commenced  his  return  journey  to 
Bohemia  with  the  document  in  his  possession. 

It  was  not  till  April  17th,  that  the  council  deter- 
mined to  issue  a  citation  against  him,  which  was 
placarded  the  next  day  in  various  places  in  Con- 
stance, giving  him  notice  that  he  could  have  a  safe- 
conduct  from  the  council  against  violence,  but  not 
against  due  course  of  law.  In  all  probability  in 
entire  ignorance  of  this  citation,  Jerome  arrived  on 


SOO  JOHN  HUS. 


April  20th  at  the  town  of  Hirschau,  about  twenty- 
five  English  miles  from  the  Bohemian  frontier,  be- 
longing to  the  dominions  of  the  Count  Palatine, 
John,  son  of  Euprecht,  the  late  rival  of  Wenceslas 
of  Bohemia  as  King  of  the  Romans.  Here  he  was 
recognized  by  the  clergy,  arrested  by  the  Burgrave 
of  the  Castle,  and  conducted  back  to  Sulzbach,  the 
residence  of  Count  John.  By  him  intelligence  was 
sent  at  once  to  the  council,  which  requested  the 
prince  to  send  the  prisoner  at  once  to  Constance. 

On  May  23rd,  Magister  Jerome  was  conducted 
to  Constance  and  delivered  in  the  first  place  to  the 
Count  Palatine  Louis,  John's  brother.  Louis  led 
him  in  a  kind  of  triumphal  procession  from  his 
residence  to  the  place  where  the  council  was 
assembled,  marching  himself  before  the  carriage  on 
which  was  Jerome,  bound  with  heavy  fetters  and 
surrounded  by  armed  men.  To  the  manacle  which 
the  prisoner  had  on  his  hand  was  attached  a  long 
chain,  held  by  his  guards,  and  by  it  they  led  him 
into  the  hall  where  the  council  was  sitting. 

When  he  was  there  set,  fettered  with  chains, 
before  the  bishops,  his  citation  was  read,  which  had 
been  placarded  in  various  places  over  against  his 
own  notifications.  And  forthwith  one  of  the 
])ishops  said  to  Magister  Jerome :  *'  Jerome,  why 
didst  thou  flee  ?  and  when  cited,  why  didst  thou 
not  appear?"  He  replied  :  "Because  I  could  not 
have  a  safe-conduct  from  you  or  the  king,  as  is 
proved  by  those  letters  of  the  lords,  which  ye  have. 
Neither  after  the  letters,  which  I  published  openly 


JEROIME   OF   PRAGUE.  391 

in  the  towns,  could  I  obtain  siicli  safe-conduct. 
Observing  therefore  the  devices  of  my  enemies,  I 
departed,  that  I  might  not  be  the  cause  of  mine 
own  death.  But  had  I  known  aught  of  your 
citation,  even  if  I  had  been  in  Bohemia,  I  should 
have  come  to  Constance."  Hereupon  arose  a  great 
multitude  against  Magister  Jerome,  testifying  and 
accusing  him  wath  great  outcry.  And  when  they 
were  silent,  an  old  doctor,  the  chancellor  of  Paris 
(Gerson),  said  :  *'  Jerome,  when  thou  wast  in  Paris, 
thou  didst  imagine  thyself  an  angel  in  thine 
eloquence,  and  didst  set  the  whole  University  of 
Paris  in  an  uproar,  making  many  erroneous  and 
scandalous  speeches."  To  him  Magister  Jerome 
answered  very  gently:  "Eeverend  magister,  as  to 
all  those  speeches  and  theses,  which  I  made  and 
laid  down  argumentatively  at  Paris  in  the  general 
school,  according  to  the  course  and  order  of 
magisters,  answering  the  oppositions  and  objections 
of  magisters  according  to  my  magisterhood,  I  was 
not  then  accused  thereof,  but  was  accepted  as  a 
magister  of  the  University  of  Paris.  And  as  to 
what  I  said  formerly  in  my  thesis,  if  ye  allow  me, 
I  will  lay  down  the  selfsame  position  before  all  the 
council;  and  if  it  be  proved  that  there  is  aught 
erroneous  therein,  I  will  gladly  amend  it  and  also 
humbly  receive  better  instruction." 

Thereat  another  magister  of  the  University  of 
Cologne  on  the  Ehine,  who  was  sitting  there,  arose 
and  said  :  "  Jerome,  with  us  at  Cologne  thou  didst 
lay  down  many  errors  in  thy  thesis,  and  that  is 


392  JOHN  HUS. 


remembered  to  this  day."  To  him  Magister  Jerome 
said  thus  :  ''  Prithee,  tell  me  openly  one  error." 
Somewhat  ashamed,  he  said  :  "  I  do  not  remember 
now,  but  hereafter  they  will  be  brought  against 
thee." 

Then  a  third  from  Heidelberg  arose  and  said: 
"  When  thou  wast  with  us,  thou  didst  lay  down 
various  errors,  in  particular  respecting  the  Holy 
Trinitj^  when  thou  didst  paint  a  shield,  likening 
the  Holy  Trinity  to  water,  snow  and  ice."  To  this 
speech  Magister  Jerome  replied  thus  :  "  What  I 
then  said,  wrote,  and  painted,  I  am  willing  to  say, 
write,  and  paint  here  also ;  and  if  it  be  proved  that 
there  is  auglit  erroneous  therein,  I  will  gladly, 
gently,  and  humbly  recant  and  give  place  to  better 
instruction." 

After  this  speech  others  standing  by  cried  out : 
"Burn  him!  Burn  him!"  He  answered:  "  If  ye 
desire  my  execution  and  death,  God's  will  be  done  !  " 
Then  said  the  "English  Archbishop;"*  "No; 
Jerome  ;  for  it  is  written  :  '  I  will  not  the  death  of 
a  sinner,  but  rather  that  he  should  be  converted 
and  live.' " 

When  this  preliminary  hearing  was  over,  Jerome 
was  placed  under  the  sm*veillance  of  John  Wallen- 
rode.  Bishop  of  Biga,  and  conducted  by  tlie  beadles 
of  the  city  of  Constance  to  a  house,  the  site  of 
which  is  unknown.  A  certain  Bohemian,  getting 
to  know  of  this  house,  came  to  the  window  and 
said  thus  to  Magister  Jerome  :  "  Dear  magister, 
*  It  was  the  Bishop  of  Salisbury,  Robert  Hallam. 


JEROME   OF  PRAGUE.  393 


cheer  up  and  be  steadfast,  and  fear  not  to  undergo 
death  for  the  truth's  sake.  Yea,  thou  didst  dis- 
course much  of  death,  when  thou  wast  at  Hberty." 
Jerome  replied :  "  Dear  brother,  I  thank  thee  for  thy 
visit,  and  be  assured  that  I  do  not  fear  death.  We 
have  formerly  talked  much  of  it,  now  we  must  make 
trial  indeed  of  what  it  can  do."  *  The  guards  over- 
hearing, though  probably  not  understanding  the 
conversation,  drove  the  Bohemian  from  the  window, 
and  Jerome  was  then  removed  into  a  tower  near  St. 
Paul's  churchyard,  where  he  was  put  into  the 
stocks,  fettered  hand  and  foot,  and  given  nothing 
but  bread  and  water  till  he  became  seriously  ill. 
In  his  illness  he  asked  for  a  confessor,  a  request 
which  was  eventually  granted,  and  his  imprison- 
ment rendered  less  cruel. 

Soon  after  the  burning  of  Hus  on  July  6th,  1415, 
further  steps  were  taken  by  the  council  in  the 
matter  of  Jerome.  On  the  19th,  an  inquiry  was 
held  in  his  i^rison  as  to  certain  articles  of  the 
accusations  which  had  been  framed  against  him. 
The  severity  of  his  imprisonment  and  physical 
weakness  from  illness  so  far  overcame  him,  that  he 
eventually  allowed  himself  to  be  induced  to  promise 
recantation,  a  promise  which  he  performed  in  two 
public  sittings  of  the  council  on  the  11th  and  23rd 
of  September.  He  renounced  the  doctrines  of  Wy- 
cliffe  and  Hus,  which  he  was  accused  of  holding,  as 
heretical,  erroneous,  and  scandalous,  acknowdedged 

*  A  treatise  on  death  is  ascribed  to  Jerome  by  Blalioslaw.  It  is 
not,  however,  extant. 


894  JOHN   HUS. 


the  rightfulness  of  Hus's  condemnation,  submitted 
in  all  respects  to  the  decision  of  the  council,  and 
promised  to  write  to  that  effect  himself  to  the  King 
and  Queen  of  Bohemia,  to  the  University  of  Prague, 
and  to  other  persons.  In  fact,  he  did  write  such  a 
letter  in  the  Bohemian  language,  which  is  stilh  ex- 
tant, to  Lord  Laczko  of  Krawary,  one  of  the  three 
chiefs  of  the  "union"  of  the  Bohemian  lords.  As 
it  is  the  only  relic  of  his  writings  in  his  own  tongue, 
I  give  it  in  extenso.  It  is  to  a  great  extent  couched 
in  the  very  words  of  his  recantation  : — 

"  In  the  first  place,  my  service,  dear  and  noble  lord,  and  my 
especial  benefactor  !  I  give  tliy  grace  to  know  that  I  am  alive 
and  well  at  Constance.  I  hear  that  there  has  been  a  great 
storm,  both  in  Bohemia  and  in  Moravia,  since  the  death  of 
Magistor  Hus,  as  if  he  had  been  wrongfully  condemned  and 
violently  burned.  Therefore  I  write  this  of  good  will,  as  to  my 
lord,  that  thou  mayest  know  Avhat  course  to  take  ;  therefore  by 
this  letter  I  beg  thee,  take  not  up  his  cause,  to  maintain  that 
wrong  hath  been  done  him.  Of  my  knowledge  that  hath  been 
done  with  him  which  ought  to  have  been  done  with  him.  And 
think  not,  my  lord,  that  I  have  written  this  under  compulsion, 
or  have  fallen  away  from  him  for  any  terror.  I  was  kept  strictly 
in  prison,  and  many  great  magisters  laboured  with  me  and 
could  not  bring  me  from  this  idea.  And  I  thought  that  wrong 
had  been  done  him.  But  when  those  passages  of  his,  for 
which  he  was  condemned,  were  given  me  to  look  over,  I  looked 
them  over  very  carefully,  and  weighing  them  in  my  mind  with 
several  magisters,  I  saw  fully  that  some  of  those  passages  were 
heretical,  some  erroneous,  and  others  tending  to  produce  scandal 
and  mischievous.  But  I  still  doubted  somewhat,  not  being 
.satisfied  that  the  passages  were  by  that  unhappy  man,  but  I 
d  they  were  extracts  from  his  discourses  and  fragments  which 
altered  his  meaning.    And  I  began  to  ask  seriously  for  his 


JEROME   OF   PRAGUE.  395 

own  books,  and  the  council  gave  me  them  for  perusal,  written 
with  his  own  hand.  Thus,  with  celebrated  magisters  of  holy 
writ,  I  verified  the  passages  for  which  he  was  burnt,  and  com- 
pared them  with  books  written  with  his  own  hand,  and  found 
all  those  passages  standing  fully  in  those  senses  in  his  books. 
And  therefore  I  cannot  honestly  say  otherwise,  than  that  that 
unhappy  man  wrote  many  erroneous  and  mischievous  passages  ; 
and  I,  who  was  his  friend  and  the  defender  of  his  honour  with 
mine  own  lips  on  all  sides,  having  ascertained  this,  will  not  be  a 
dcifender  of  those  errors,  as  I  have  also  voluntarily  acknowledged 
before  the  council  at  greater  length.  And  now  I  have  too  much 
to  do  to  write  at  such  length,  but  I  expect  I  shall  soon,  please 
God,  write  what  has  happened  to  me  at  length  and  send  it  to  thy 
grace.  And  herewith  I  commend  myself  to  thy  love.  Written 
with  mine  own  hand  at  Constance  the  Thursday  immediately 
after  the  Nativity  of  the  Mother  of  God  "  (September  12th). 

Full  confidence,  however,  was  not  placed  in  his 
recantation,  partly,  perhaps,  owing  to  his  escape 
from  Vienna  in  1410,  as  above  related,  partly,  no 
doubt,  owing  to  a  conversation  which  King  Sigis- 
mund  had  held  with  a  number  of  the  prelates  and 
cardinals  after  Hus's  hearing  on  June  8th,  1415, 
in  which  he  had  advised  them  to  place  no  faith  in 
any  recantations,  but  to  make  short  work  with 
both  Hus  and  his  disciples,  "  especially  with  the 
fellow  who  is  detained  here."  They  said  :  "With 
Jerome  ? "  The  king  replied  :  "  Yes,  Jerome. 
We  will  finish  with  him  in  less  than  a  day ;  it  will 
be  easier  work ;  for  the  other  is  the  master,  and 
that  Jerome  is  his  disciple."  However,  Jerome's 
imprisonment  in  the  tower  was  now  rendered  much 
less  severe,  although  the  fetters  v\'ere  still  on  his 
legs,  and  careful  watch  was  kept  by  guards. 


396  JOHN   HUS. 


The  cardinals  who  had  been  appointed  judges 
in  his  case,  Peter  d'Ailly  of  Cambray  and  Fran- 
cesco Zabarella  of  Florence,  were  inclined  to  allow 
of  his  being  released  from  prison.  But  some  of 
Jerome's  personal  enemies,  especially  Michael  de 
Causis  and  Stephen  Palecz,  "  faithless  renegades," 
as  the  Bohemian  MS.  calls  them,  opposed  it 
vigorously,  in  which  they  were  aided  by  the  cele- 
brated John  Gerson,  chancellor  of  the  University 
of  Paris,  who  had  in  September,  1415,  composed  a 
treatise  on  the  thesis,  that  even  after  recantation  a 
man  must  always  remain  under  suspicion  of  heresy. 
Uncircumspect  words  spoken  by  Jerome  were  wel- 
comed in  confirmation  of  these  views,  and  that  the 
more  when  he  deferred  sending  the  promised  letters 
to  the  King  and  Queen  of  Bohemia  and  to  the 
University  of  Prague,  and  finally  altogether  refused 
to  write  them. 

The  matter  came  before  the  council  on  February 
24th,  and  when  the  two  cardinals  expressed  them- 
selves in  favour  of  Jerome's  liberation.  Dr.  Naz, 
whose  acquaintance  we  have  already  made  during 
Hus's  trial,  went  so  far  as  to  insinuate  that  they 
had  ^been  bribed  by  the  heretics  or  by  the  King  of 
Bohemia.  Offended  at  this,  they  resigned  their 
office  as  judges,  and  two  others  were  appointed  in 
their  stead,  John,  Patriarch  of  Constantinople,  and 
Nicholas  of  Dinkensbiihl,  a  Doctor  of  Theology. 
These  men  commenced  a  new  investigation,  but 
Jerome  refused  to  answer  their  questions  in  a  satis- 
factory manner,  demanding  a  public  hearing  in 


JEROME   OF  PRAGUE.  897 


the  council,  and  promising  to  state  and  disclose  his 
final  sentiments.  Such  a  hearing  he  obtained  on 
the  23rd  and  26th  of  May,  one  day  being  insuffi- 
cient for  dealing  with  all  the  articles  of  accusation, 
which  were  one  hundred  and  seven  in  number. 

It  will  perhaps  be  most  interesting  if  I  follow 
rather  the  simple  narrative  of  the  hitherto  unused 
Bohemian  MS.  than  the  eloquent  rhetoric  of  Poggio 
Bracciolini's  well-known  letter,  merely  using  the 
latter  occasionally  to  supplement  the  former. 

On  the  Saturday  before  Ascension-day,  Magister 
Jerome  was  brought  into  the  great  church  for  a 
public  hearing,  when  one  hundred  and  seven  articles 
were  brought  forward  against  him,  and  it  was 
stated  that  he  was  convicted  by  witnesses  with 
regard  to  them  and  condemned.  But  since  he  had 
demanded  a  public  hearing  it  was  allowed  him. 
Then  Magister  Jerome,  with  good  thought  and 
very  cleverly — sufficiently  so,  had  he  never  been  in 
-)rison — replied  to  some  of  the  articles  until  noon- 
day, declaring  with  regard  to  those  articles,  which 
had  been  invented  against  him,  that  he  was  not 
guilty  of  them,  rejecting  all  the  witnesses,  and 
affirming  that  they  had  witnessed  and  testified 
against  him  maliciously  and  falsely  as  his  enemies. 

Likewise  on  the  Tuesday  afterwards  he  replied 
to  the  remainder  of  the  articles,  ascribing  untruth- 
fulness to  his  accusers  and  answering  each  of  them 
calmly  when  they  testified  against  him,  so  that  he 
brought  some  of  them  to  shame  and  some  to  silence 
by  his  answers.    Yea,  when  asked  by  one  what  he 


898  JOHX  HUs. 


held  as  to  the  sacrament  of  the  altar,  he  answered 
thus:  "Before  consecration  it  is  bread  and  wine, 
after  consecration  the  true  body  of  Christ  and  His 
holy  blood ;  "  adding  more  thereto  that  is  proper 
according  to  the  true  faith. 

Then  another  arose  and  said:  "But,  Jerome, 
there  is  a  very  great  rumour  concerning  thee,  that 
thou  also  boldest  that  it  is  bread  upon  the  altar." 
He  replied  :  "  I  hold  that  it  is  bread  only  with  the 
baker,  but  not  in  the  sacrament  of  the  altar." 
Against  this  a  monk  all  in  white  very  uncourteously 
said  thus  :  "  Why  deniest  thou  this  ?  Anyhow, 
it  is  a  manifest  thing."  He  shouted,  "  Silence, 
hypocritical  monk  !  " 

When  this  one  held  his  peace,  another  cried  with 
great  outcry  and  said  :  "I  swear  on  my  conscience, 
as  to  that  which  thou  deniest,  that  it  is  so."  To 
him  he  answered :  "  Thus  to  swear  on  one's  con- 
science is  oft  the  easiest  way  to  deceive." 

And  when  no  hold  could  be  obtained  either 
therein  or  in  aught  else,  nor  anything  had  worthy 
of  condemnation — for  he  replied  calmly  to  all  and 
brought  them  to  silence — then  and  not  till  then 
did  he  ask  and  obtain  a  quiet  hearing,  and  spoke 
before  them  till  past  noon  of  various  learning  and 
the  writings  of  philosophers  and  the  scriptures,  of 
God's  law  and  the  doctors,  and  that  very  deeply 
and  masterly,  so  that  all  had  whereat  to  marvel, 
citing  by  name  various  philosophers,  apostles,  pro- 
phets, and  martyrs,  how  they  had  for  the  truth's 
sake  been  without  guilt  persecuted,  condemned, 


JEROME   OF   PRAGUE.  899 

held  for  disturbers  of  peace,  convicted  as  blasphe- 
mers of  God,  and  had  therefore  been  sentenced  to 
death  and  murdered  in  various  ways.  "And  for- 
sooth," said  he,  "  if  it  is  unrighteousness  when 
this  is  done  by  foreigners  or  natives  to  an  ordinary 
person,  it  is  a  greater  unrighteousness  when  one 
priest  suffers  from  another,  and  the  greatest  un- 
righteousness when  a  priest  is  given  up  to  death  by 
a  council  of  priests  from  malice  and  hatred."  In 
all  this  Magister  Jerome  spake  very  steadfastly  and 
manfully,  so  that  he  spake  nought  unworthy  that 
would  not  become  a  good  man. 

Afterwards  Magister  Jerome  proceeded  to  himself, 
giving  an  account  of  his  life  and  his  sins,  and  his 
adventures  in  various  lands,  till  he  touched  upon 
this,  how  he  had  laboured  under  King  Wenceslas 
for  this  end,  that  Bohemians  should  have  a  superior 
right  to  everything  above  all  other  nations,  espe- 
cially above  the  Germans,  and  possess  the  chief 
authority  in  the  University  of  Prague. 

Afterwards  he  applied  himself  to  speaking  of 
Magister  John  Hus,  whom  he  had  known  from  his 
youth,  how  he  was  a  man  neither  licentious,  nor 
covetous,  nor  a  drunkard,  nor  defiled  with  other 
open  sins,  but  that  he  was  humble,  honourable, 
sober,  diligent  in  teaching  and  reading,  a  righteous, 
faithful,  and  holy  preacher,  and  whatsoever 
Magister  John  Hus  and  Magister  John  Wycliffe 
had  preached  against  the  wickedness,  pride,  malice, 
ruffianism,  and  avarice  of  the  priesthood,  all  this 
he  held  and  would  hold  unto  death.     As  regarded 


400  JOHN   HUS. 


the  other  articles  of  the  Christian  faith,  he  held  and 
believed  them  all  according  to  the  Holy  Catholic 
Church  of  Christ,  assenting  to  no  error  or  heresy. 

Finally,  he  said  this  also,  that  although  he  had 
incuiTed  guilt  against  the  good  Lord  God,  yet  were 
there  no  sins  so  grievous  on  his  conscience,  as  that 
sin  which  he  had  committed  in  that  villainous 
and  accursed  pulpit,  wherein  in  his  recantation  for 
fear  of  death  he  had  assented  to  the  unrighteous 
condemnation  of  Magister  John  Hus,  a  holy  man, 
speaking  against  him  unjustly  to  x^lease  them. 
Now  that  the  Lord  God  had  aided  him  to  enter  the 
self-same  pulpit  again,  he  cancelled,  annulled,  and 
revoked  that  recantation,  asserting  that  wrong  and 
injury  had  been  done  to  Magister  John  Hus  by  the 
council,  asserting,  too,  that  what  he  had  said 
against  Magister  John  Hus  to  please  them,  he  had 
said  unjustly,  and  was  heartily  sorry  for  it. 

During  these  speeches  of  Magister  Jerome,  which 
he  spoke  at  the  beginning,  many  felt  themselves 
inclined  towards  his  liberation,  but  on  account  of 
the  end  they  were  exasperated  at  him,  saying : 
**  Now  hath  he  sentenced  himself."  He  was,  there- 
fore, immediately  led  back  to  prison,  where  he 
was  fettered  very  heavily  with  chains — feet,  hands, 
and  waist. 

Two  days  were  given  him  for  change  of  mind, 
during  which  he  was  visited  and  reasoned  with  by 
the  most  learned  magisters,  especially  Cardinal 
Zabarella  of  Florence,  but  in  vain. 

Then,  on  the  Saturday  before  Ascension  (May 


JEROME   OF  PRAGUE.  401 


SOtli),  Magister  Jerome  was  brought  into  the  great 
church,  where  a  multitude  of  prelates,  monks,  and 
other  priestly  persons  had  assembled  for  his  final 
condemnation,  together  with  a  large  number  of  , 
armed  men.  He  was  then  bidden  to  abide  by  what  / 
he  had  done  at  his  first  recantation,  and  give  up/ 
his  laudation  of  Magister  WycHffe  and  Magisterl 
John  Hus.  To  this  Magister  Jerome  answeredl 
very  forcibly  and  courageously,  without  any  fear, 
rebuked  them  for  their  disorders,  and  said  thus : 
*'  I  take  to  witness  the  Lord  my  God,  and  declare 
before  you,  that  I  hold  nought  heretical  and  nought 
erroneous,  but  that  I  hold  and  believe  all  the 
articles  of  the  Christian  faith,  as  the  Holy  Catholic 
Church  holds  and  believes.  But  to  the  condemna- 
tion of  the  good  magisters  aforesaid,  whom  ye  have 
unrighteously  and  maliciously  condemned,  because 
they  taught  and  wrote  of  your  disorderly  life  to 
yom*  reproof  and  correction,  I  will  not  assent, 
although  I  am  therefore  to  be  now  sentenced  by 
you  to  death.  God's  will  be  done  !  but  I  will  not 
act  against  my  conscience;  for  I  know,  that  in 
what  they  have  written  against  the  disorders  and 
unrighteousness  of  the  priesthood,  they  have  set 
down  the  truth." 

After  this  the  Bishop  of  Lodi  ascended  the 
pulpit,  and  urged  the  whole  council  to  the  con- 
demnation of  Jerome,  founding  his  discourse  on 
the  words  of  the  Gospel  of  St.  Mark  (xiv.  14) : 
"  The  Lord  Christ  upbraided  their  unbelief  and 
hardness  of  heart." 

2d 


402  JOHN  HUS. 


"Let  tlie  holy  council,  as  it  punished  the  unbelief  of  the 
faithless  heretics,  John  Wycliffe  and  John  Hus,  condemning 
their  doctrines  as  erroneous,  heretical,  and  injurious  to  the 
Holy  Church — let  it  punish  Magister  Jerome,  their  follower,  who 
is  stiffnecked,  wilful,  audacious,  and  obstinate  in  his  malice,  and 
let  it  take  vengeance  upon  him,  that  others,  who  might  wish  to 
take  up  the  same,  seeing  that  he  was  not  forgiven,  may  not 
spring  up.  But,  if  any  such  should  appear,  who  should  thus 
defile  the  Holy  Church,  any  witnesses  whatever,  even  of  evil 
repute,  as  ruffians,  thieves,  harlots,  ought  to  be  received  against 
them ;  yea,  if  that  were  not  enough,  they  ought  to  be  tortured 
with  various  tortures  until  they  acknowledged  their  errors,  and 
afterwards  rooted  out  and  destroyed,  unless  they  were  willing  to 
give  way  and  recant,  that  mercy  might  be  shown  them.  But  to 
thee,  Jerome,  it  will  not  be  granted,  since  thou  hast  taken 
again  into  thy  throat,  what  thou  hadst  first  recanted,  doing 
this  to  great  scandal  and  to  the  insult  of  the  holy  council,  and 
returning  like  a  dog  to  thy  heretical  vomit.  Therefore,  in  its 
sentence  against  thee,  whatever  the  holy  council  doth,  it  doth 
properly  and  rightfully." 

After  the  conclusion  of  this  and  many  other  dis- 
courses, Magister  Jerome  spoke  to  them  exceedingly 
intelligently  and  cleverly,  with  a  good  memory  and 
boldness,  declaring  that  what  was  being  done  to 
him  was  being  done  lawlessly  and  unrighteously. 
"I  hold,"  said  he,  "no  erroneous  or  heretical 
articles  contrary  to  the  Christian  faith,  neither 
have  I  imagined  or  brought  forward  aught  against 
the  estate  or  order  of  the  Catholic  Christian 
Church,  save  what  is  against  a  wicked,  proud,  and 
disorderly  priesthood ;  and  I  have  often  com- 
plained, and  that  with  sorrow,  that  they  thus 
behave  contrary  to  their  consecration  and  order." 
And  he  declared  that  neither  therein  nor  in  aught 


JEROME   OF   PRAGUE.  403 

else  had  they  any  fit  cause  for  sentencing  him  to 
death.  If,  then,  they  relied  on  witnesses  over  and 
above  this  his  faithful  and  honest  confession,  he 
declared  expressly  that  such  witnesses  were  false 
witnesses,  neither  ought  credence  to  be  given  them, 
for  all  that  they  had  brought  against  him  they  had 
not  brought  honestly,  but  from  anger,  malice,  and 
hatred. 

i  Then  some  of  them,  hearing  this  language  of 
his,  advised  him  to  make,  as  had  been  offered  him, 
a  recantation  like  unto  his  first  one ;  else,  if  he 
did  not  so  do,  it  would  go  hard  with  him.  Then, 
seeing  that  it  was  drawing  nigh  to  death  for  him, 
he  said  thus  :  *'  Ye  wish  to  condemn  me  wrongfully 
and  miserably,  without  any  certain  charge.  I 
leave  you  as  a  legacy  after  my  death  a  sting  and 
gnawmg  to  pierce  your  consciences,  and  I  cite  you 
before  the  Most  High  and  Eighteous  Judge,  the 
Lord  God  Almighty,  to  answer  me  before  Him  at 
the  end  of  a  hundred  years." 

;  This  they  turned  into  ridicule,  and  forthwith 
ordered  the  sentence,  which  they  held  ready  framed 
in  many  words  against  him,  to  be  read  to  this 
effect :  That  the  holy  council  of  Constance  now 
cuts  off  Jerome  of  Prague  from  the  root,  as  a 
rotten  and  withered  branch,  for  his  errors,  auda- 
city, and  obstinacy,  and  because  he  hath  con- 
demned his  first  recantation,  contrary  to  the  honour 
of  the  holy  council,  as  a  damned  and  accursed 
heretic,  and  finally  delivers  him  over  to  the  secular 
power,  that  it  may  take  him,  and  execute  worthy 
vengeance  upon  him  for  his  great  mckedness. 


404  JOHN  HITS. 


After  this  sentence  they  brought  before  Magister 
Jerome  a  great  and  tall  crown,  painted  round 
about  with  red  devils,  that  he  might  go  in  it  to 
death.  On  espying  it,  he  took  off  his  cap,  threw 
it  among  the  prelates,  and  taking  the  crown  on  his 
hand,  said:  "My  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  when  dying 
for  me,  miserable  man  that  I  am,  had  on  his  head 
a  more  grievous  crown  of  thorns.  I,  too,  for  His 
grace  and  love  will  gladly  bear  this  blasphemous 
crown  upon  me  to  death." 

Forthwith  the  beadles  took  hold  of  him  and  led 
him  out  of  the  church.  On  the  way,  going  cheer- 
fully on,  he  chanted  the  Catholic  creed,  as  it  is 
chanted  in  church,  from  beginning  to  end,  with  a 
loud  voice,  raising  his  eyes  to  heaven.  On  finishing 
this  he  commenced  other  hymns,  both  of  the 
mother  of  God  and  of  other  saints.  And  thus  con- 
tinuously singing  he  came  to  the  place  where  they 
had  previously  burned  Magister  John  Hus.  Here 
he  knelt  on  his  knees  at  the  stake,  which  had  been 
prepared  for  his  burning,  and  prayed  within  himself 
very  meekly  for  a  good  while.  Then  the  exe- 
cutioners raised  him,  stripped  him  or  made  him 
strip  himself  of  his  garments,  and  put  a  foul  cloth 
on  his  loins.  They  then  cruelly  bound  him  stand- 
ing to  the  stake,  which  was  fixed  in  the  ground, 
with  ropes  and  chains.  And  when  they  began  to 
place  the  wood  around  him,  mingling  straw  with  it, 
he  chanted  with  a  clear  voice  the  Easter  hymn : 
' '  Salve,  festa  dies  I ' '  singing  it  to  the  end.  He  finished 
with  the  Catholic  creed,  and  thereupon  raised  his 


JEROME   OF   PEAGUE.  405 

voice  to  the  people  standing  by,  saying  thus  in 
German:  "Dear  people,  know  that  I  believe  even 
as  I  have  just  chanted.  Likewise,  as  to  the  other 
articles  of  the  faith,  I  believe  as  every  Christian 
ought  to  believe.  But  I  am  now  dying,  because  I 
would  not  assent  to  the  priestly  council's  sentence 
and  condemnation  of  Magister  John  Hus,  as  just 
and  rightful ;  for  I  knew  the  magister  from  my 
youth  up,  that  he  was  an  honourable  and  noble 
man,  and  a  preacher  of  the  faith  of  God's  law  and 
of  the  Gospel  of  Jesus  Christ." 

The  executioners  having  now  surrounded  him 
with  wood  up  to  the  crown  of  the  head  behind  and 
up  to  the  breast  in  front,  and  placed  his  garments 
on  the  logs,  were  about  to  light  the  fire  behind  his 
back,  that  he  might  not  see  it.  "  Come  here,"  said 
he,  "  and  light  the  fire  in  my  sight ;  if  I  had  feared 
it,  I  should  never  have  come  to  this  place."  He 
then  chanted  with  a  loud  voice:  "Into  thy  hands. 
Lord  God,  I  commit  my  soul."  After  this,  when 
the  violence  of  the  fire  caught  him,  he  cried  out  m 
the  Bohemian  tongue  :  "  Lord  God  Almighty,  have 
mercy  on  me !  Forgive  me  my  sins  !  For  Thou 
Imowest  that  I  have  loved  Thy  holy  truth."  When 
the  flame  struck  him,  he  prayed  within  himself  a 
good  while,  until  thus  doing  he  died. 

Afterwards  they  brought  his  bed-clothes  and  other 
things,  burned  them  all  to  dust,  placed  them  on  a 
cart,  and  cast  them  into  the  Ehine. 

Such  was  the  end  of  the  most  brilliant — I  do  not 
say,   able — man   and   scholar   of    his   day.     It  is 


40G  JOHN   HUS. 


manifest  that  he  could  never  have  excited  such 
storms  in  foreign  universities  had  he  not  been  an 
overmatch  for  his  opponents  in  eloquence,  learning, 
and  disputation.  Various  circumstances  above 
related  throw  more  or  less  light  upon  his  extra- 
ordinary powers.  But  it  is  to  Poggio  Bracciolini 
that  we  must  look  for  the  fullest  testimony  to  his 
ability  as  an  orator  and  disputer.  Poggio  was  well 
used  to  the  society  of  the  great,  the  learned  and  the 
eloquent ;  yet  his  admiration  of  Jerome  transcends 
all  ordinary  limits,  and  is  expressed  in  terms  of  real 
and  genuine  and  not  merely  of  rhetorical  and 
affected  feeling. 

"I  own,"  says  he,  "  that  I  never  saw  any  one,  who  in  plead- 
ing a  cause,  especially  one  for  life  and  death,  approached  more 
nearly  to  the  eloquence  of  the  ancients,  whom  we  admire  so 
much.  It  is  marvellous  to  have  seen,  with  what  words,  what 
eloquence,  what  arguments,  what  expression  of  countenance, 
what  visage,  what  confidence,  he  answered  his  adversaries  and 
finally  concluded  the  pleading  of  his  cause.  .  .  .  Many  he 
smote  with  jests,  many  with  invectives ;  many  he  frequently 
compelled  to  laugh  in  what  was  no  laughing  matter,  by  jeering 
at  the  reproaches  made  to  him  by  his  adversaries.  .  .  .  This, 
however,  was  a  token  of  the  greatest  intellectual  jDOwer,  that, 
when  his  discourse  was  frequently  interrui^ted  and  he  was  assailed 
with  various  outcries  by  some  who  carped  at  his  sentiments,  not 
one  of  them  did  he  leave  unscathed,  and  chastising  them  all 
alike,  compelled  them  either  to  blush  or  to  hold  their  peace.  .  .  . 
His  voice  was  sweet,  clear,  and  sonorous,  with  a  certain  dignified 
oratorical  gesticulation,  either  to  express  indignation,  or  to  move 
compassion,  which,  however,  he  neither  asked  for  nor  wishe<l  to 
obtain.  Ho  stood  fearless  and  dauntless,  not  merely  dcb'pising 
but  even  desiring  death,  so  that  you  would  have  said  he  was 
another  Cato." 


JEROME   OF   PRAGUE.  407 

With  his  tall  stature  and  powerful  build,  his  long 
black  whiskers,  his  handsome  dress,  his  eloquent 
tongue,  his  graceful  carriage,  his  travelled  experience 
of  men  and  manners,  there  must  have  been,  as 
Baron Helfert  says,  something  ''heroic"  in  Jerome's 
appearance,  which  could  not  fail  to  be  extremely 
fascinating.  In  one  respect  he  appears  not  to  have 
been  above  his  day,  and  that  is  in  the  double  deal- 
ing of  his  escape  from  Vienna,  when  he  con- 
descended to  meet  those  who  held  the  maxim,  that 
'•'no  faith  need  be  kept  with  heretics,"  by  the 
application  of  the  counter  principle,  that,  con- 
versely, no  faith  need  be  kept  with  them.  With 
this  exception  no  flaw  can  be  found  in  his  moral 
character,  and  he  stands  forth  as  one  of  the  best 
men,  as  well  as  the  most  brilliant  layman  of  his 
day. 

It  is  strange,  too,  that  the  condemnation  and 
death  of  both  his  master  and  himself  were  founded 
on  side  issues,  and  not  on  direct  and  genuine  un- 
orthodoxy  according  to  the  orthodoxy  of  the  times. 
Hus  was  put  to  death  because,  although  willing 
enough  to  submit  to  the  instruction,  correction,  and 
definition  of  the  council,  yet  he  steadfastly  refused 
to  recant  doctrines  and  opinions  which  he  had 
never  held  and  which  he  abhorred ;  Jerome,  be- 
cause he  refused  to  acknowledge  that  the  burning  of 
Hus  was  just  and  righteous.  Hus  was  the  symbol  of 
the  dawn  of  a  moral  and  religious,  Jerome  of  that 
of  a  moral  and  intellectual  insurrection  against  the 
corruptions  and  disorders  of  the  clergy  in  what  was 


408  JOHN  HUS. 


perhaps  the  most  corrupt  and  wicked  age  that  the 
ecclesiastical  body  has  ever  known.  And  the  very 
enormity  and  almost  incredible  vastness  of  the  evil, 
against  which  their  honest  voices  were  raised,  is 
one  of  the  principal  things  that  now  stand  in  the 
way  of  the  due  appreciation  of  their  services  to  the 
human  race.  They  and  their  nation  ripened  before 
others,  and  both  they  and  their  nation  have  paid 
the  penalty  which  falls  upon  those  who  are  before 
their  time ;  they  have  been  denied  the  recognition 
and  appreciation  which  they  have  deserved.  The 
word  Czech  is  probably  derived  from  the  verb 
CziTi,  "to  begin;"  let  Hus  and  Jerome  in  par- 
ticular and  the  Czeskish  or  Bohemian  nation  in 
general  receive  the  credit  due  to  those  who  have 
opened  a  new  path,  into  which  others  entered  and 
walked  successfully  therein.  Honour  to  those  who 
followed  their  footsteps  and  carried  the  sacred 
banner  further  and  further  onwards  !  But  honour, 
too,  to  the  men  and  the  little  Slavonic  nation  that 
made  the  first  beginning  ! 


THE   END. 


H<^ 


TKINTED   BY    WILLIAM  CLOWES    AND   SONS,    LIMITED    LONDON   AND   BECCLES. 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  LIBRARY 

Los  Angeles 
This  book  is  DUE  on  the  last  date  stamped  below. 


^   mf  c 


I.L.L.     ji-U 

"MAY  J.19'7       ''t!  ,  ' 

DUE  2  WKS  rHlMv 


RETURNED  TO  UCSB 

kY    < 


^P^ 


.0    ^m^^'l 


ii 


r 

"v 


*W      t^  ir*  ^   ^ 


pmon     »6w0  2*90 


l6  A98T 


.in<;.A>jrFrfj^, 


.,(^F■^AIIF^Pi/;     .^.of  CAUTOf^:/. 


\?J 


5r 


>i. 


■< 


-<m 


3  1158  00091  1577 


%. 


s 


UC  SOUTHERN  REGIONAL  LIBRARY  FACILITY 


^OFCALiFO%      I 


r>  :-r-7.iuv/iian.:iW' 


C5 


o 


